This article examines ‘parental harm’ – a harm that occurs when a parent loses or faces the threat of losing a child. We contend that the manipulation and severing of relationships between parents and children has played a central role in war and oppression across historical contexts. Parental harm has long-term and pervasive effects and results in complex legacies for carers and their communities. Despite its grave impact, there is little research within International Relations into parental harm and understanding of its effects. We conceptualise parental harm through two frames – the ‘harm of separation’ and ‘harm to the ability to parent’ – and theorise gendered dimensions of how it is perpetuated and experienced. As such, we advance feminist understandings of family as a gendered institution that shapes the conduct of war and institutionalises racialised oppression. Our conception of parental harm offers novel insights into the relationship between intimate relations, the family, and state power and practices. We illustrate our conceptual arguments through two examples: the control and manipulation of family in antebellum slavery in the United States and the targeting of Tamil children in disappearances in Sri Lanka. These examples demonstrate the pervasiveness of parental harm across contexts and forms of violence.

States targeted by human rights criticism usually do something—whether ratifying treaties, passing laws, establishing institutions, prosecuting perpetrators, or shifting discourse. But how do we know how coordinated, comprehensive, and effective these actions are? This article proposes five questions to assess how willing a state is to take the steps necessary to meaningfully respond to human rights crises. It applies this approach to two human rights crises in Mexico: femicides and violence against women, and disappearances. This approach effectively differentiates state responses that initially appear similar, demonstrating that the Mexican government has been more willing to address violence against women and femicides than disappearances. An explanation for this difference in outcomes points to a combination of factors related to the underlying preferences of the government involved, the characteristics of victims, and the specific human right being violated.

The search for the more than 90,000 disappeared persons in Mexico has highlighted the need to establish relations of collaboration with organized crime groups in order to access not only relevant information to clarify the fate and whereabouts of the missing, but also territories under the control of organized crime groups for carrying out field searches. Given the ineffectiveness of formal, prosecutorial approaches and the considerable success of grassroots, victim-led search strategies, this paper argues for the need for a broader humanitarian approach to the search for the missing that is victim-centred and complementary to accountability mechanisms. The article advances a proposal to formalize this approach through the International Committee of the Red Cross's (ICRC) involvement in search activities, given the ICRC's unique organizational nature, expertise and humanitarian mandate.

Although sex biases in natal dispersal are well known among birds and mammals, female-biased dispersal in polygynous mammals is rare. North American porcupines are polygynous and recent evidence suggests that natal dispersal in this species may be female-biased. We used data on disappearances, immigration, and reproductive behaviours to characterize natal dispersal and examine the extent to which inbreeding avoidance may motivate natal dispersal in porcupines. We predicted that, if female porcupines were the predominant dispersers, rates of disappearance and immigration would be higher for females than for males. Also, if females disperse to avoid mating with fathers, then the mean age of females at first conception should be less than the mean residence time of adult males. Population data suggested that natal dispersal was female-biased because a higher proportion of females (31%) disappeared than males (11%), and 78% of 18 immigrants observed in the population were females. Data on pregnancies indicated that female age at first conception ([ape ]25 months) was less than the mean residence time of adult males ([ape ]26 months), suggesting that female porcupines may disperse to avoid incestuous matings with fathers. Little is known regarding potential resource competition between mothers and offspring, or on how philopatric males avoid mating with their mothers. Additional data are needed in these areas to interpret dispersal tendencies in porcupines.