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White extremism has been a rising trend in North American and European countries over the past two decades. Despite the systemically engrained privileged status of people who identify as white in US society, one of the causes of white extremism is a perceived threat of being sidelined/disadvantaged by individuals with non-white identities. For example, the mainstreaming of the great replacement theory among right-wing media outlets and politicians demonstrates this perception. We examine this perception, and white extremism rhetoric and radicalization broadly, within the context of social exclusion at both the individual and systemic levels. We further embed this analysis within theories and research focused on concepts of “the self,” social identity, and related psychological needs usually impacted by social exclusion. We recommend researchers and practitioners interested in extremism and radicalization to intentionally consider self-related theories and constructs going forward.
Both ostracism experiences and conspiracy beliefs have been discussed as formative ingredients of radicalization trajectories and violent extremism. The present chapter provides a brief introduction to the psychology of conspiracy beliefs and the connections made to violent extremism. In its central part, it discusses the connection between the two in discussing (1) direct evidence for ostracism experiences increasing conspiracy belief, (2) indirect evidence via highlighting how the four fundamental needs postulated to be threatened by ostracism have also been connected to conspiracy beliefs, and (3) a discussion of the reverse causation of expressing conspiracy beliefs leading to being ostracized. In all sections, specific emphasis will be dedicated to the question of how reliable and strong the available evidence is, with experimental evidence weighing heavier than correlational evidence and repeatedly replicated and meta-analytically robust effect weighing heavier than single demonstrations.
Being left out by others is a painful experience that threatens basic needs. When people are excluded, they may merely distance themselves from those who have wronged them to avoid further rejection. However, some individuals may engage in compensatory actions to defend their self, their group, or the interplay between them in a way that could be a first step for radicalization leading to violence. How and when people opt for each strategy might vary depending on psychosocial mechanisms as well was macro-level cultural differences. Here, we focus on a mechanism useful for capturing who is more willing to fight or flee under social exclusion – identity fusion, a profound alignment between the personal self and a group, individual, value, or ideological conviction – and on a global cultural factor of relevance for the link between exclusion and extremism, as it is the distinction between WEIRD and non-WEIRD populations.
Norwegian terrorist Anders Breivik was reported to have been excluded throughout his life, much like German extremist Fabian D. In many cases of terrorism like these, social exclusion is found in the life course of terrorists. This chapter therefore explores the relationship between exclusion and terrorism in greater depth. First, central concepts are defined and explained. The chapter then focuses on theoretical and, in particular, empirical findings on the exclusion–terrorism link. According to these findings, there is a causal relationship between exclusion and a terrorist mindset. However, the link between exclusion and terrorism is probably not direct and instead works indirectly, through processes such as deprived needs and higher social susceptibility. Ultimately, exclusion is likely to act as an early cognitive opener for terrorism via its individual- and group-level consequences. A corresponding exclusion–terrorism model is postulated. The chapter concludes with directions for future research and practical implications regarding the exclusion–terrorism link.
Can the experience of being ostracized – ignored and excluded – lead to people being more open to extremism? In this chapter we review the theoretical basis and experimental evidence for such a connection. According to the temporal need-threat model (Williams, 2009), ostracism is a painful experience that threatens fundamental social needs. Extreme groups have the potential to be powerful sources of inclusion and could therefore address these needs, thereby making them especially attractive to recent targets of ostracism. We also identify a set of factors that is theoretically likely to affect this link and review evidence for the opposite causal path: People are especially likely to ostracize others who belong to extreme groups. Together, this suggests a possible negative cycle in which ostracism may push people toward extreme groups, on which they become more reliant as social contacts outside the group further ostracize them.
To find answers for the worldwide proliferation of constitutions we need to look at root causes: the sources of constitutions. These are found and human nature. Men are social animals. During human evolution our brains have been wired to work together in communities up to a maximum of 150 members (the Dunbar number). Beyond that number it is difficult to cooperate: we can only do that if there are form of artificial trust and recognition available: and that is what constitutions do and provide. Abstract - imagined - concepts that help us jump the Dunbar threshold and cooperate in large scale groups, and overcome our brain limitations for large scale cooperation
This article identifies an ostracism joke in Menander's Samia (364–6) during a climactic scene in which the Athenian Demeas ejects the titular Chrysis from his house. The joke, uttered by a cook who is reacting to Chrysis’ expulsion, plays on the usage of ὄστρακα—broken pieces of pottery—as ballots in the institution of ostracism. The article proposes that the joke references the final abolition of ostracism during Demetrius of Phalerum's reign and reveals Menander's support for the regime.
Exorcismos de esti(l)o is one of Guillermo Cabrera Infante’s least studied books. It is nevertheless of essential importance for understanding the entirety of his poetics. It is a book that condenses the pain of the ostracism and the betrayal inflicted by the revolutionary regime that Cabrera had so strongly supported. The purpose of this article is to highlight the implicit elements of the text that support this hypothesis. It considers the strategies used by the author throughout Exorcismos de esti(l)o to practice the language with which he obsessively tries to draw, in his novelas del yo, a portrait of a lost and unrecoverable Havana, the hopeful Havana preceding the Cuban Revolution. It is an impossible yet obstinate mission. This is why the texts that articulate the impossibility of representation and the anguish that this mission generates deserve special attention.
Punishment is an important method for discouraging uncooperative behavior. We use a novel design for a public goods game in which players have explicit intended contributions with accidentally changed actual contributions, and in which players can apply costly fines or ostracism. Moreover, all players except the subject are automated, whereby we control the intended contributions, actual contributions, costly fines, and ostracisms experienced by the subject. We assess subject’s utilization of other players’ intended and actual contributions when making decisions to fine or ostracize. Hierarchical Bayesian logistic regression provides robust estimates. We find that subjects emphasize actual contribution more than intended contribution when deciding to fine, but emphasize intended contribution more than actual contribution when deciding to ostracize. We also find that the efficacy of past punishment, in terms of changing the contributions of the punished player, influences the type of punishment selected. Finally, we find that the punishment norms of the automated players affect the punishments performed by the subject. These novel paradigms and analyses indicate that punishment is flexible and adaptive, contrary to some evolutionary theories that predict inflexible punishments that emphasize outcomes.
Depression is prevalent among older persons, which seriously threatens their life satisfaction. This study aimed to explore the internal mechanisms by which depression influences life satisfaction among the elderly, as well as the mediating and moderating effects of ostracism and economic income, respectively, in a sample of rural older adults across China.
Design:
This was a cross-sectional survey conducted as part of the project “Thousands of People and Hundreds of Villages (2019).”
Setting:
Participants were rural older adults from 31 provincial-level administrative units across China.
Participants:
The sample composed of 1,754 participants aged 60 years and over.
Measurements:
Depression was assessed with the depression subscale of the Depression Anxiety Stress Scales, life satisfaction with the Satisfaction with Life Scale, ostracism with the Ostracism Experience Scale (OES), and economic income and other control variables with related demographic scales. Moderation and mediation analyses were performed using the regression-based approach as conducted by Hayes (2013).
Results:
Depression negatively predicted life satisfaction among the elderly. Ostracism played a partially mediating role between depression and life satisfaction. Economic income moderated the effect of depression and ostracism on life satisfaction: High economic income weakened the negative effect of depression on life satisfaction and enhanced the negative effect of ostracism on life satisfaction.
Conclusion:
Improving depressed elderly people’s interpersonal relationships and financial support could improve their life satisfaction.
This article offers a new interpretation of the Athenian institution of ostracism and explores its significance for our understanding of democratic politics. A popular scholarly trend interprets ostracism as an instrument for pursuing (or regulating) conflict among aristocratic politicians, in accordance with a view of Athenian democracy as dominated by a restricted elite competing for power and prestige. This article aims to reassess this picture by investigating ostracism in the light of recent studies of honour, which have stressed honour's potential for balancing competition and cooperation within communities. By using the ostracism of Themistocles as a case study, it argues that ostracism was a manifestation of an institutionalized concern for honour in Athenian democracy. On the one hand, ostracism could punish politically active citizens who, in excessively enhancing their own honour, failed to respect democratic equality. On the other, it could be employed for tackling shameful behaviour which placed the agent below the community's standards of honour. The article then sets ostracism against Athens’ broader institutional framework and argues that Athenian democracy was not so much concerned with policing intra-elite conflict as much as it was designed to foster a balance between competitive and cooperative values and ensure broad participation in the political domain.
The purpose of this research was to examine the associations between self-esteem, perceived social competence, ostracism and loneliness among adolescent students. For the investigation of self-esteem and perceived social competence as key developmental constructs concerning negative experiences such as ostracism and loneliness, it is important to understand the experiences that may inhibit individual development in adolescence. Participants were 542 presecondary and secondary school students who completed the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale, the Perceived Social Competence Scale, the Ostracism Experience Scale for Adolescents, and the Loneliness Scale for Children. The data were analysed with Pearson moments correlation analysis and multiple regression analysis. Findings showed that: (1) self-esteem, perceived social competence, ostracism and loneliness were related to each other; (2) self-esteem and perceived social competence were negatively related to ostracism and loneliness; (3) ostracism had a positive relationship with loneliness and a negative impact on self-esteem; and (4) an increase in the level of perceived social competence predicted a decrease in the levels of ostracism and loneliness. The results were discussed in the light of relevant literature.
Organizations adopt formal sanctioning systems to deter ethical violations, but the formal systems’ effectiveness may be undermined by informal sanctioning systems which promote violations. I conducted an ethnographic study of six trading crowds on two financial exchanges to understand how informal and formal sanctioning systems, which are grounded in different interpretations of equity, interact to affect trader deviance from rules established by the financial exchange (exchange deviance). To deter informal trader norms that conflict with exchange rules, the exchanges formally prohibit traders’ informal sanctions. The exchanges, however, underestimate traders’ informal sanctions related to ostracism and social rejection, which are not only difficult for the exchanges to detect, but also interpersonally hurtful and harmful to trader performance. Consequently, the traders’ informal social sanctions lead to secondary sanctions from trading firms. Ultimately, the informal sanctioning system evades the formal sanctioning system by exploiting what the exchanges deem to be minor rule violations.
Stigmatization in society carries a high risk for development of psychopathology. Transgender persons are at particularly high risk for such stigmatization and social rejection by others. However, the neural correlates of ostracism in this group have not been captured.
Method
Twenty transgender men (TM, female-to-male) and 19 transgender women (TW, male-to-female) already living in their gender identity and 20 cisgender men (CM) and 20 cisgender women (CW) completed a cyberball task assessing both exclusion and re-inclusion during functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI).
Results
During psychosocial stress between-group differences were found in the dorsal and ventral anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) and the inferior frontal gyrus (IFG). Patterns were consistent with sex assigned at birth, i.e. CW showed greater activation in dorsal ACC and IFG relative to CM and TW. During re-inclusion, transgender persons showed greater ventral ACC activity relative to CW, possibly indicating persistent feelings of exclusion. Functional connectivity analyses supported these findings but showed a particularly altered functional connectivity between ACC and lateral prefrontal cortex in TM, which may suggest reduced emotional regulation to the ostracism experience in this group. Depressive symptoms or hormonal levels were not associated with these findings.
Conclusion
The results bear implications for the role of social exclusion in development of mental health problems in socially marginalized groups.
Due to the lingering aftermath of a nuclear catastrophe being mostly out of sight, the peripheral victims of the Fukushima disaster were no longer able to discern the boundary between the here of the safety zone and the there of the afflicted area. What ensued after this geographical unification was psychological unity in which the harmony-conscious ethics of the Japanese were excessively fortified, formulating what is often called the code of wa (harmonious integration), which implicitly coerced all to speak from hisaisha no tachiba (the standpoint of the afflicted people). Kyoko Iwaki, a doctoral student at Goldsmiths, University of London, after fourteen years as a theatre journalist in Japan, provides in this article a socio-psychological analysis on how the code of wa materialized as the unwritten law after the catastrophe, and argues how in Current Location (Genzaichi), playwright-director Okada Toshiki grapples with this code by developing a post-Fukushima aesthetic. By pertinently using the apparatus of ‘fiction’ as a guise for relieving the audience of the code, Okada develops a theatre language that voices discord in content, yet accord in form, permitting the characters to speak both from the here and the there.
There is little contemporary evidence for the history of Athens in the decade following the fall of the Pisistratid tyranny. Herodotus wrote some sixty or seventy years after Cleisthenes' reforms, and the internal history of Athens is for him incidental to other concerns. Membership in a deme constituted the most important indication of Athenian citizenship. The substitution of the deme for the phratry as the smallest political unit was one way in which the influence of the noble families was fragmented. The new tribal organization will have had an impact on legislation and policy-making. The Solonian constitution became much more populist than it had been under Solon. For disuse under the tyranny had brought about an eclipse of Solon's laws and had made Cleisthenes enact new legislation in his attempt to gain the favour of the masses. It was in this connexion that the law on ostracism was enacted.
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