We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
This chapter argues that a distinct stock story of who refugees are and how they behave, which it describes as the ‘stock narrative of becoming a refugee’, featured throughout the hearings. This stock story is one version of how, when and why ‘genuine’ refugees decide to leave their home countries and seek refugee status in another state. The chapter analyses the extent to which this prescriptive narrative conforms with international and domestic definitions of refugee status, to show that the normative expectations embedded within the stock tale far exceed the legal basis for refugee protection. Nonetheless this story, with its distinct narrative form, was demanded of refugee applicants during oral hearings and structured how decision-makers tested and judged applicants’ evidence and credibility. While decision-makers frequently demanded evidence that conformed to the stock narrative of authentic refugeehood – or that applicants to account for deviations from this narrative – refugee applicants also implicitly or explicitly contested or resisted this demand when presenting their oral testimony.
In Chapter 5, I examine cases in which refugees directly challenge regional containment instruments. This has occurred in North America (a safe third-country agreement between the US and Canada), Asia-Pacific (offshore processing agreements between Australia and Malaysia, Australia and Papua New Guinea and Australia and Nauru), Europe (the Dublin System and a refugee swap agreement between Europe and Turkey) and Libya (an externalisation agreement between Libya and Italy). I examine the ways decision-makers manoeuvre juridical borders in constructing ideas of refuge and determining the legality of states’ attempts to prevent refugees crossing international borders. I observe that when courts consider the significance of refugeehood and expand their juridical borders, they set high thresholds for refuge and characterise it as a duty owed by states. However, in most cases courts ignore the salience of refugee status and retract their juridical borders. This means that there is no minimum standard of refuge set and refuge morphs from an obligation to a discretion. Refugees become trapped in the resisted place of refuge, unable to continue their journey except in extraordinary circumstances. What is considered exceptional is highly gendered with the narrow frameworks developed sidelining experiences of male and also many female refugees.
Recommend this
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this to your organisation's collection.