This chapter describes some of what we know so far about a possible Multicultural British English (MBE) by first explaining where it fits in terms of Multicultural London English (MLE) and how it has been labelled up to now. It draws upon research which has investigated varieties of English that appear to contain features of MLE, yet which are used outside of London. In doing so, it explores how local and supralocal linguistic features might work alongside features of MLE to create regional versions of an underlying variety of English, MBE, that exists in various locations across the UK. The chapter describes a few of the phonological, lexical and syntactic features of a Manchester-oriented MBE, before providing insights into the extent to which some of its speakers are aware of the language they use. Finally, the chapter discusses the role of grime music in the development and possible diffusion of MBE, and calls for further research to be carried out.

Originating from its relatively tiny native speaking population on the narrow East African coastal strip and its adjacent islands, the Swahili language today has spread throughout East and Central Africa to become the most widely spoken African language after Arabic. This chapter explores the various forces – trade, religion, education, wars, and urbanization – that have led to this momentous linguistic expansion over the years. In the process, the language came in contact with a number of other languages – of international traders and invaders like the Arabs and the Portuguese, of settler communities of Indian and Arabic descent, and of a broad range of African ethnic groups inland – that resulted in the emergence of new varieties of the language. In conclusion, the chapter will look at how, through the different spaces and contexts of linguistic contact, Swahili came to impact on other languages of East and Central Africa.

Researchers in the field of youth language in Africa have often been less than explicit about their sources of data and methods of collection. In order to provide recommendations for future research, this chapter reflects on the preceding chapters and highlights some considerations regarding different methods of data collection and different types of data on youth language practices. We consider naturalistic data and authenticity in youth language data. We present examples of data outcomes from a South African project that captured data on Tsotsitaal, and we also consider the methods presented in the chapters in this book in order to further illustrate the wide range of data outcomes in youth language research. The chapter makes the argument that the most important move is to define the object of analysis – and that it cannot be simplistically described as 'youth language'.

This chapter investigates what differentiates Standard isiXhosa, often referred to by speakers as 'deep isiXhosa', from other urban varieties of the language, including Tsotsitaal. It focuses on how the standard variety has an established status, although it is seldom strictly adhered to; dialects and lexical borrowing being some of the key historical drivers of variation in the grammar and vocabulary of the language. Contemporary deviation from the standard is exemplified in the chapter, which draws from research into the speech of the national isiXhosa radio station’s announcers and listeners and into the way young isiXhosa speakers use the language. The data show a flux in the concordial system of isiXhosa, a proliferation of English loanwords and ludic inclusions of Sesotho and Tsotsitaal.

Nouchi is studied from a formal point of view as hybrid or mixed speech. From a sociolinguistic point of view, it is seen as slang or youth language. Hybridity is interpreted as a symbol of the coming together of all the languages of Côte d’Ivoire, like a combination of all the ethnic groups of the nation itself. However, hybridity is mostly approached from a lexical point of view, wherein the authors attempt to analyse the heterogeneous lexicon of Nouchi. Regarding the lexicon, the big distinction with Ivorian French is the massive incorporation of words, or morphemes in the case of hybrid words, of the Niger–Congo languages of the Ivory Coast and others. The questions posed in this chapter are (1) whether Nouchi also employs hybridity in syntax, phonology or spelling; and (2) whether Ivorian French, which acts as the base language, is not already largely hybrid. My hypothesis is that a hybrid language like Nouchi emerges in a social context where the process of hybridisation has already begun by pooling various social resources to build a space welcoming diversity.

In interactions with their peers, South African male youths use a way of talking that is different from the local varieties spoken in their communities. Labelled tsotsitaals, this practice involves inserting a slang lexicon into the syntactic base of a local language combined with other paralinguistic features. Most studies of this phenomenon have looked at Afrikaans and Bantu language-based tsotsitaals but there are also several instances of English-based tsotsitaals among male youths in English-speaking communities. Across all tsotsitaals, English-derived words make up a substantial part of the slang lexicon. Ethnographic studies among young men who use Bantu-based tsotsitaals show that English plays a key role in indexing different identities. Based on the social meanings they attribute to English use, they incorporate English in a variety of ways making up different styles of tsotsitaal. These styles reflect different social levels, identities, attitudes and aspirations. The way English is incorporated into tsotsitaals challenges common approaches that treat this performance register as an autonomous referential system.