The main reason for the possibility of data compression is the experimental (empirical) law: Real-world sources produce very restricted sets of sequences. How do we model these restrictions? Chapter 10 looks at the first of three compression types that we will consider: variable-length lossless compression.

This chapter explores Pentecostal conversion as both an affective and a political process. It considers the kind of subjects young urban Pentecostals are called upon to become: organised, enterpreneurial, armed not only with a transformed heart but with a ‘vision’ for their future and a ‘strategic plan’. This subject both converges with and diverges from the RPF’s attempts to create ‘ideal’ subjects who are able to participate in the country’s post-genocide development. While some young Pentecostals benefited from such self-making, others became disillusioned. Instead, they highlighted the limits of the Pentecostal project and its inability to deliver the bright future they felt they had been promised.

The Select Citywalk mall in South Delhi occupies 1.3 million square feet of prime land. A Quora search reveals that that is equivalent to almost 21 football fields, 40 White Houses and 10 Walmart stores. Its looming glass building houses international brands – Zara, H&M, UNIQLO, Sephora, Dior, MAC, Burger King, KFC – providing an ‘upscale’ shopping experience. Its air-conditioned and gleaming interiors with high ceilings and spotless (somewhat slippery) floors open on to an expansive landscaped plaza, featuring tropical palms, fountains and a giant-sized statue of the Buddha. On a regular evening, it is not uncommon to see people, especially couples, sitting on the steps in the landscaped plaza of the mall, making it a convenient dating spot. The epithets ‘out of this world’ and ‘larger than life’ seem fitting for the mall that towers above and pushes out its surroundings. The year Select Citywalk opened – 2007 – falls in the early period of the emergence of malls in India, following the opening of the economy to global trade in the 1990s. In the first decade of the 21st century, malls were still a novelty, but by the end of the second decade, they became a much more common feature, alongside cafés, call centres and high-rise offices, transforming the urban Indian landscape. These spaces signify the advent of a global culture that has influenced the social fabric of urban India and, perhaps most remarkably, altered the desires, attitudes and aspirations of the youth, who comprise ‘liberalization's children’ (Lukose 2009).

Popular discourse suggests that the socio-economic changes of the last three decades have offered urban young Indians the opportunity to join the ranks of an expanding ‘new middle class’. While there are contestations over the size of the new middle class, with critics suggesting that the statistical significance of the new middle class in India may be overestimated (Aslany 2019; Banerjee and Duflo 2008), sociologists and anthropologists have delved into what characterises this new middle class and indeed whether there is anything ‘new’ about it. Leela Fernandes (2000: 90) argues that rather than expanding, it is the cultural basis of the middle class that has shifted so that the new middle class is, in the context of liberalisation, invented as ‘the social group which is able to negotiate India's new relationship with the global economy in both cultural and economic terms’.

The 9th Circuit ruled the MAS ban to be constitutional, but with a twist. They kicked it back to Judge Tashima giving more explicit direction about potential constitutional violations that state representatives may have engaged in while creating the legislation and banning the program. At this point in time, there was a huge change in the legal team as Wallstreet firm Weil, Gotshal & Magnes LLP agreed to take the case pro bono. It was the first time that MAS supporters would have more legal resources than the state.