The following article embodies the results of researches made by the writer at the supposed site of the Sanctuary of Poseidon at the Isthmus and of the Isthmian games. Two short campaigns of excavation upon a very small scale were made in 1932 and 1933, in the course of which many areas were tested. Mr. H. Megaw has rendered invaluable assistance by making a revised and accurate plan of Justinian's fort (the so-called temenos) and a new plan of the district which includes all the areas in which trials were made; the section dealing with the fortifications (pp. 69–79) is also his work. The writer's thanks are also due to Mr. E. J. A. Kenny, who assisted in the preparation of the western section of the large plan; fig. 9 is based on a large-scale plan also by him. A short notice of the operations undertaken in 1932 appeared in J.H.S. 52, 244, but at least one suggestion made in it has now to be abandoned in the light of the fresh evidence secured in 1933.

This is a true cist burial, in that the skeleton, of an infant, was placed in a stone casket. The casket is a single block of poros, roughly hollowed out until the requisite depth was reached. Its dimensions are 0·60 m. × 0·50 m., but the block is not a perfect rectangle by any means. The depth is c. 0·30 m. Underneath the block a group of seven roughly circular shallow holes and two shallow rectangular depressions are to be seen; the only explanation I can suggest for these is that it was perhaps originally intended to hollow out the block from this side. Over the casket two blocks of sandstone were placed; both have a shallow depression underneath. At the west end of the casket and closely adjoining it lay a triangular block of poros about 0·48 m. wide and 0·35 m. high (only partially visible on Plate 43). This, from the similarity of material and workmanship, seems to have had some connection with the burial. Could it have been a small unsculptured stele? The unsculptured stelai from Schliemann's Grave Circle are triangular at the top.

The burial lies partially over a wall which may have been intended as a boundary for the Prehistoric Cemetery area, thus showing that the height of the wall mentioned can have been no higher at this point at the time of this burial, and suggesting that, if in fact this is an enclosure wall, it was not felt desirable to bury the dead outside the enclosure, either in the case of this burial or in that of the Geometric cist and pithos burials, and arguing some continuity in the cult of the dead. The wall itself, so far as has yet been ascertained, cannot be later than the L.H. IIIA period, and is probably considerably earlier.

Three poorly preserved Hellenistic towers from NW Andros investigated during the course of a survey are discussed. The two small round towers of Tsouka and Ayia Marina, characterized by their humble masonry, are related to agricultural activities with a very restricted defensive role. The tower of Ayia Marina had probably also served as a road station. The third tower of Choreza is square, a public work in advanced military architecture which appears to be part of the defensive system of Andros. Reference is made to masonry types encountered on the island in relation to the architecture of the three towers. Recently the ruins of a fourth square tower were located at Tokeli near the N coast, obviously related with the trafficked naval channel between Andros and Euboea.

In January 1959, when a trench was being dug in order to lay a water pipe in connection with the building of an orphanage (Κέντρον βρεφῶν “Ἤ Μητέρα”) on the south edge of Ayios Ioannis between Knossos and Herakleion a sinking of the ground suggested the presence of a collapsed tomb chamber. As the site lay within the Knossos area, Dr. St. Alexiou, Ephor of Antiquities for Crete, kindly invited the School to make trials there during the course of their excavations at Knossos in the summer of 1959.

The tomb which these trials revealed proved to be Minoan, and assignable to the L.M. II period, to judge from the remains of a couple of clay vases, a stemmed goblet (A.1) and an alabastron (A.2), which had evidently belonged with the original burial or burials. The deep-cut dromos, narrow with distinctly inward leaning sides, was of a type which it is often suggested may be of Mycenaean origin. But this is disputable, and the tomb at Ayios Ioannis appears to be as early as, if not earlier than, any of the tombs with this type of dromos on the Greek mainland. At Mycenae itself tombs with dromoi like this are not attested before L.H. III. On the other hand both at Mycenae and at Knossos there are tombs with shorter dromoi whose sides lean inwards, and some of these tombs may be earlier in date. Tomb 529 at Mycenae, with a short dromos whose sides lean markedly inwards, is assignable to L.H. I–II.

This little pot—two and a half inches high, something less across—is said to have been found in Athens (Pls. III, IV, and Figs. 1-2). It is an oil-pot of the shape now known as a round aryballos. Whether an Athenian would have called our vase an aryballos is doubtful: he would have called it a lekythos or lekythion, for an Attic vase of the same shape and period, found in an Athenian grave, bears the legend A sōpodōrou hē lēkythos, ‘the lekythos belongs to Asopodoros.“ But lekythos is a wide term, covering not only that slender vase (in its numerous varieties) to which we usually confine the word; but also the squat, stable version of the same; and the so-called protocorinthian aryballos of the seventh century; and perhaps, at a pinch, even the alabastron.

In Turkish geographical nomenclature certain ‘round’ numbers are regularly employed in an arbitrary sense. Most important of these are ‘a thousand and one’ (bin bir), used to express the idea of ‘countless,’ and ‘forty’ (kirk), which is similarly used for ‘numerous.’ As examples of the first may be cited the well-known ‘thousand-and-one-column’ (Bin Bir Direk) cistern at Constantinople and the ‘Thousand and one Churches’ (Bin Bir Kilisse) in Lycaonia. For the second we may instance several rivers called Kirk Getchid (‘Forty Fords’, in Greek Sarandáporos), the town Kirk Agatch (‘Forty Trees’), springs called Kirk Gueuz (‘Forty Eyes’), districts called Kirk In, Kirk Er (‘Forty Caves’) and numerous others.

Side by side with names like the foregoing, which explain themselves if we read ‘numerous’ for ‘forty,’ we find certain localities denominated simply ‘the Forty’ (Tk. Kirklar, Gr. Saránda). They are especially common in Pontus but occur also elsewhere, as e.g. in Mysia, where there are at least two villages called Kirklar, and in Caria, where the name is applied to a site with ruins of a church near the ancient Loryma and to an ancient tomb east of Knidos. Similarly mysterious are names like Kirklar Dagh (‘Mountain of the Forty,’ not ‘Forty Mountains’) which like the foregoing, imply an association with forty persons. These ‘forties’ call for explanation.

The identity of the Ithaca of the Odyssey with the island which has borne that name since remote antiquity had never been disputed until recent times. When, therefore, the tradition of centuries was called in question by so eminent an authority as Dr. Dörpfeld it was inevitable that zealous defenders would come forward to contest his arguments. The exploration of the traditional Ithaca (or Thiáki as the name has become by the metathesis not unusual in medieval Greek) by a group of British archaeologists and scholars, together with the excavations carried out there over some four years under the direction of Mr. W. A. Heurtley, who was able to devote the summers to this work, have established important conclusions for the solution of a controversy which has divided Homeric students. Investigation on the spot has revealed how closely the narrative of the epic, rationally interpreted, conforms to geographical conditions. Its episodes take place in scenes readily recognisable to-day and evidently drawn from personal observation. Even calculations of distance to be traversed incidentally to the story by land or sea are correctly estimated. The excavations confirm the evidence derived from a text in which amplitude of local detail, so unusual in early literature, tends to confirm another tradition accepted in ancient times, namely, that the poet was personally familiar with Ithaca.

This article gives a first publication of two late antique statues; it discusses their archaeological context suggesting an appropriate date and tries to place them in their historical and cultural environment.

The statues of Messene are important because they represent a rare instance of two late antique statues from Achaia for the study of which a precise archaeological context is available. They were the products of a local workshop and could be dated to the first quarter of the fourth century. The two late antique statues, of an emperor (perhaps Constantine I) and of Hermes, and a third earlier one showing Artemis Laphria, were part of a late Roman sculptural assemblage. It is here argued that they all stood together in niches, inside the reception room of a wealthy town mansion. They offer a vivid insight into the taste and self-representation of the owner of the house. It is suggested that they represent a mix of contemporary political reference and traditional values of the Greco-Roman aristocracy: loyalty to the Imperial House, social status and education, euergetism, and perhaps traditional religion.

Continuing the lines laid down in 1906, the campaign of 1907 was confined entirely to the site of Sparta itself. Our thanks must again be expressed to the Hellenic Government and the Ephor-General of Antiquities for their continuous support. This year we have especially to mention the enlargement of the Sparta Museum. The number of our finds had made this necessary, as the two rooms and entrance-hall of the old Museum were quite full when our work began. Two rooms have now been added to the right and left of the old building, doubling its original capacity. These rooms we have found most useful for purposes of study, and for arranging and repairing the finds, and we are especially grateful for the speed with which this improvement has been carried out.

These notes are for the most part devoted to questions of phonetics, dealing more with Lautlehre than with Formenlehre, and do not pretend to give a complete account of the dialect. I have thought this side of the subject most worth developing, because it is that which native collectors, excellent from the sides of lexicography and literature, are apt to neglect.

The dialect of Karpathos belongs to the south-eastern or south-Sporadic group of modern Greek dialects, which extends over Cyprus, Rhodes, Kos, Kalymnos, and other islands as far north as Chios. Its connexion with Cretan has also been recognized.

The provenance of vessels of the Marine Style of LMIB from Crete and LHIIA from the Mainland remains an important unsolved problem. This article describes an attempt to discriminate between selected Mainland and Cretan specimens by multivariate analysis of the compositions of their fabrics determined by optical emission spectroscopy with the aim of determining whether the Mainland Marine Style pieces were indeed made on the Mainland, perhaps locally at their find spots, or were imported from Crete or the islands. Accordingly Marine Style sherds have been sampled from seven Mainland, two island, and two Cretan sites, together with a large number of definitively local sherds from each site to serve as a control over the characteristics of the local clays. A distribution map, Fig. 1, and a corpus, as complete as possible, defining and describing the motifs and shapes used in the Marine Style from the Mainland, Crete, and the islands as a whole is included below in order to provide an overview of the available information.

The village of Angelona lies amongst the hills surrounding the plain of Molai, midway between the latter and Monemvasia. About half an hour east of the village is a small plateau known as Kollýri; this plateau is bounded on its south-eastern side by a revma, tributary to the greater ravine which runs down to the sea south of the ruins of Epidaurus Limera. At the head of the revma is a perpetual spring of good water, and in its neighbourhood are many traces of former human occupation; roof tiles of slightly concave section with a rough red-to-black glaze, and sherds of black-glazed and coarse red pottery are common. A few hundred yards above (west of) the spring an anta capital of poros (Fig. 1) lies on the surface; the block measures 0·82 m. in length, 0·80 in breadth and 0·23 in thickness, and is remarkable because the profile is continuous on the long side but only extends for 0·33 m. on the other. On one end there are traces of an attempt to work the profile, and on the top a series of rough toolings (dowel holes?) parallel to the breadth.

If the Unexplored Mansion must rest content with a name rendered obsolete by subsequent archaeological activity it is perhaps fitting that the Little Palace Well, which was sunk through its ruins, should glory in a similarly inappropriate title. The well was brought to light by one of nature's not infrequent excesses at Knossos. In winter and spring the area is subjected to occasional heavy downpours which erode the ground surface and reveal traces of ancient occupation. In the early weeks of 1938 subsidence caused by such winter storms exposed the top of the well, which lay just behind the façade of the Unexplored Mansion at a point where the west scarp of Evans's Little Palace excavations towered high above the level of the Minoan ruins. R. W. Hutchinson, who was then Curator at Knossos, conducted a small rescue operation and the results were briefly described in the JHS for that year. The outbreak of the Second World War prevented anything more than preliminary work on the pottery before archaeological activity at Knossos was brought to a halt. The whole and restored pots were transported to Herakleion Museum for safe keeping, and the fragments remained at Knossos and were eventually housed in the new Stratigraphic Museum.

The new Rome inherited from the old a strategic situation in the Mediterranean world that was essentially similar at the beginning of the seventh century to what it had been in the first. Persia, vetus hostis, was still a threat in the east, while in the north there was the less organized but no less persistent threat of migratory peoples pressing across the Danube. By the middle of the seventh century the Byzantine supremacy in the east Mediterranean had been destroyed, and a profound reshaping of the state had been set in train. In discussing some coins and coin hoards from the reign of Heraclius (610–41), I wish to draw attention to the place of the Aegean coastlands in the regional economy of the Byzantine Empire as it was before the Arab expansion. The revival of commerce in the provinces in the ninth century seems to have begun in the coastal cities of the Aegean: this prompts an inquiry into their importance in the sixth and seventh centuries.

The second and third decades of the seventh century were a time of disaster for the Empire, when it was attacked from both the east and the north. The Persian armies conquered Syria in 611 and thereafter were able to make incursions into western Asia Minor, on occasion reaching as far as the shores of the Bosporus. Thomas Presbyter records that they carried captives away from Rhodes, while in the same year the Slavs invaded Crete. The Miracula S. Demetrii gives a graphic account of a naval blockade of Salonica by the Slavs and mentions sea raids on the whole of Thessaly and near-by places and the Greek islands which depopulated many cities and regions. The Avars, in alliance with Slavs, Bulgars, and Gepids, besieged Constantinople itself by land and sea, while the Persians occupied Chalcedon. The records of events in the first part of the reign of Heraclius are fragmentary in the extreme, and the chronology in particular has been the subject of much debate.

Scholars since Lethaby have tended to see the hand of one architect in three famous buildings, the Hephaisteion at Athens, the Temple of Poseidon on Cape Sounion and the Temple of Nemesis at Rhamnous. All three belong to a very widespread type, the hexastyle temple with pronaos, cella and opisthodomos. But their similarity beyond this is held to necessitate a common authorship. It has proved impossible up to now to collect and review their points of resemblance; which is perhaps one reason for the long dispute on their dating and sequence. I hope to contribute towards this much needed collation, and I believe that, as things are, it would prove useful to compare the main lines and dimensions of all three buildings.

John Covel, afterwards Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, visited Athos from Lemnos on his way from Constantinople to England in the spring of 1677. His letter of recommendation from Nointel (which he hoped might be of use if he fell amongst French ‘privateers’) and his circular letter to the monasteries from Manolaki Petrovitzes are preserved in his correspondence.

The Athos notes are bound partly in the Folio MS. (Add. 22, 912) and partly in the Quarto (Add. 22, 914). They are very hastily written and ill arranged. I have therefore taken considerable liberties with the text, revising punctuation, resolving contractions, and (for the convenience of the reader) often transcribing words written wholly or partly in the Greek character; such words are indicated by italics.

This paper focuses on a presentation and discussion of the solitary Middle Helladic tomb found in the Athenian Kerameikos. Our purpose is twofold: first of all, to present in detail the tomb offerings that we were able to relocate, and to suggest a MH I date for the burial. Secondly, given the significant presence of ceramic imports from various Aegean islands, we outline the connectedness that Attica enjoyed at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age. This is a story that involves not just Athens, but Aigina, the Argolid, and Minoan Crete, as well as the much sought-after metal ores of Laurion.

The aim of this paper is to explore the physical connectivity of Attica by examining the realities of travel for Athenians wishing to engage with wider civic, social, economic and cultic institutions. This will be achieved by focussing upon the practicalities of short-, medium- and long-distance travel with the aim of differentiating aspects, modes and reasons for travel. This investigation will be realised through a series of computational scenarios created on the basis of a combination of ancient and nineteenth-century accounts of journeys through Attica along with the archaeological evidence of the Athenian road system. The results of this study shed light upon the constraints on, and opportunities for, participation in wider practices and the experience of travel for the individual traveller. Recent studies have shown there were many spaces in Attica that provided opportunities for Athenians to come together, to interact with each other and participate in civic, ritual and social institutions. The ultimate conclusions of this study will help to illustrate the fundamental connectivity and active engagement of the traveller with the Athenian landscape.

This paper, based on Schliemann's correspondence and on his travel diary of 1868, fills in an important gap regarding Schliemann's beginnings in archaeology. Schliemann's awakening interest in archaeological excavation is traced throughout his sojourn in Rome and Southern Italy, where Pompeii provided perhaps the decisive impetus for Schliemann's own first archaeological endeavours in Ithaca. Interesting differences between the diary and the published account of Schliemann's itinerary in Itaque, le Péloponnèse et Troie are analysed in the context of his subsequent studies in Paris that obliged him to revise many assumptions he had held uncritically during what was originally planned as a ‘pleasure trip’. The section dealing with the Troad (where the diary is summarised and excerpted at length) considers the allegations made by David Traill on Schliemann's having removed a page from the diary to hide what would have been embarrassing comments rejecting Hissarlik as the site of Troy. It will be shown that this section of the diary is complete and that Traill's account of Schliemann's movements must subsequently be rectified. Furthermore, the sources of Schliemann's information on the Troad at this specific juncture will be examined, together with his eventual adoption of the Hissarlik theory after meeting Frank Calvert at the Dardanelles. The charge of intellectual robbery leveled against Schliemann by Traill will be reconsidered.

A Survey of the Marine Style shows that we may categorize octopods and argonauts into Types A and B, according to the drawing of the suckers in their tentacles. Type A suckers enclose a dot; Type B have no dot. All the instances of Type A and Type B are displayed against a crowded Marine background.

We may further distinguish a third class (Type C) of octopods and argonauts; small compact creatures whose suckers are reduced to knobs, while the argonaut shells are no more than sketchily drawn, the striations being placed haphazardly, either vertically or horizontally. These motifs are displayed against an open background.