In the autumn of 1913, Mr. T. C. Cantrill, F.G.S., of the Geological Survey, drew the writer's attention to the possibility of finding flint artefacts in the surface soils of Hinckley and neigh-bourhood wherever the chalky boulder clays and gravels were in evidence. During his survey of the drift in this district in that and the following year, he himself found a lozenge-shaped scraper (No. 163, Plate LXVIII) in a field at Sapcote, and also five spalls of unmistakable human origin in other neighbouring localities.

In the winter of that year, Mr. F. C. Grimes and I began a systematic search which by the following spring had resulted in sufficient material to encourage us to further efforts, and the following notes are the result of a by no means exhaustive survey during that and the two following winters.

Since the discovery of Neolithic flaking debris around Great Langdale almost 50 years ago, a number of surveys and excavations have taken place in the heart of the Lake District. These have shown that the outcrop of Seathwaite Tuff was the most productive source for stone axes in Britain. People were procuring the raw material from the outcrop in a number of locations, notably the Langdale Pikes, Scafell Pike, and Glaramara (Claris & Quartermaine 1989; Bradley & Edmonds 1993).

The creation and dissemination of the majority of Cumbrian stone axes can be divided into four processes: i) procurement of the raw material from the outcrop; ii) shaping of the stone into axes; iii) movement of the roughouts to the lowlands for polishing; and iv) movement of the axes across Britain until their eventual deposition. While it is valid to examine all aspects of this phenomenon, it is apparent that investigating the processes employed at the source may provide some of the most revealing information.

The pottery of the later prehistoric period in the Western Isles of Scotland displays a variety of decorative styles and forms not found elsewhere on the Scottish mainland. Traditional approaches have attempted to define stylistic sequences or to identify wares to which chronological and cultural labels may be attached. In this study neutron activation analysis was utilized to examine if the distinctions which had been drawn were mirrored by chemical composition. Analysis of clay beds had indicated that the analytical and statistical techniques which were employed were sensitive enough to identify patterns which existed within the data. The results for the later prehistoric ceramics indicated that pottery was probably locally produced and locally distributed and that the clays involved in the manufacture of metalworking moulds and crucibles were different in terms of source or method of preparation from those employed in the manufacture of the more mundane range of domestic vessels.

In recent decades some archaeologists have come to doubt key components and properties of the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age (EBA) Avebury monument complex. By site excavation of the Beckhampton Avenue, Silbury Hill, and the West Kennet Palisades the idea of an integrated group of contemporaneous monuments has been thrown into doubt. In this paper these critiques are themselves critiqued and further tested by an inter-disciplinary exercise integrating archaeology, landscape phenomenology, and archaeoastronomy. It is suggested that the emergent properties of this procedure reveal that these recent doubts are unfounded and that this monument complex was designed for rituals to initiate neophytes by simulating journeys through a virtual underworld.

Responding to recent advances in knowledge about the first arrival of woollen sheep in Europe and linked investigations of textile remains on the Continent, this paper argues that our insight into the role of wool in the English Bronze Age needs rethinking. We argue that the relevant questions are: when did the procurement of and working with wool become a routine aspect of settlement life, and did the change from plant fibres to wool affect communities differently? The paper outlines some of the core research questions we need to consider and points to the necessity of triangulating between the evidence provided by textiles, faunal remains, and textile working tools to reach more comprehensive insights. The paper ends by indicating a further research question – namely whether the apparent differences in the ‘wool economy’ in different parts of Bronze Age Europe may suggest differences in ‘body politics’.

The Bronze Age in Britain is now a term often used to include both the first use of copper c. 2400 bc and also tin-bronze from c. 2100 bc, all of which required the extensive use of copper. Prehistoric mining for this metal has been identified in surface and underground workings in Parys Mine, Mynydd Parys, Anglesey, although almost all of the surface workings are now obscured by the extensive deep spoil from more recent mining in the industrial period. These copper-bearing ores are in bedded lodes, together with some intruded vein deposits. The Bronze Age workings have been exposed underground where they have been intersected by the early 19th century industrial workings on and above the 16 fathom and 20 fathom levels in the Parys Mine. Spoil exposures contain stone hammers (‘mauls’), wood fragments, and charcoal; samples of the latter have been radiocarbon dated with chronological modelling suggesting activity took place in the first half of the 2nd millennium cal bc. Although relatively limited in extent, these important prehistoric mining sites are among the earliest found in the UK. They have survived due to their protection from surface erosion and limited accessibility.

Our knowledge of the Belgian Bronze Age is still very partial. Most of the bronze objects of this period — and I am not the only one to say they are important — remain unpublished. The reason for this is to be found in the fact that a great many bronzes have been, or still are, part of private collections. Objects fundamental to our understanding of Bronze Age economics have remained inaccessible for years; moreover, some of these, probably in consequence of this regrettable situation, have been stigmatised by this or that scholar's doubts about their authenticity. It is true that they have been traded by not always very scrupulous dealers.

Many scholars have been discouraged by the doubtful quality of part of the material, but too many scholars have therefore lost interest in its totality. A few important hoards, though in public collections, have thus been neglected, and remained unpublished for more than a century (Warmenbol forthcoming a and b). The largest collections, those of Edouard Bernays (Antwerp), George Hasse (Antwerp), J. Moens (Ghent) and J. Maertens de Noordhout (Ghent), were all greatly expanded through the acquisition of objects found during the extensive dredging carried out in the 1910s and 1920s, mainly in the Schelde, but also in other rivers. Great quantities of bronzes were found at places such as Melle, Wetteren, Wichelen and Schoonaarde. All these objects got on the market, and assuredly some dealers improved their stocks by enriching them with objects certainly found elsewhere.

This paper evaluates traditional and current interpretations of the Dorsey, a large earthwork and timber piled enclosure in Co. Armagh, Northern Ireland. It casts doubt on the interpretation of the site as a frontier defence and, on the basis of parallels with other Irish sites such as Navan Fort, suggests that it may have been a focus of ritual activity. Although concentrating on a single site, specific features are identified which may, with further analysis, provide an alternative and enhanced understanding of a range of Iron Age sites in Ireland.

This paper offers a summary of our present archaeological knowledge of the modern county of Norfolk, a large and geographically diverse tract of northern East Anglia, during the 5th–2nd millennia BC. It concludes by listing some topics deserving of future research.

The Inland Niger Delta in Mali is scattered with thousands of tell-like dwelling mounds that testify to the rich archaeological heritage of this attractive occupation area. The results of archaeological research suggest an occupation history of more than two millennia in which large urban settlements such as Djenné-Djeno and Dia play a central role. Regional surveys have revealed primary information on the vast rural hinterland of these extensive cities, but little is known about the structure and evolution of this considerable settlement system. The aim of the re-examination of 128 sites in the southern part of the Niger alluvial plain was to obtain an understanding of intersite relations based on sites' chronological, functional, socio-economic, and hierarchical differentiation and their participation in different trade networks. For the research it was crucial to find a method to date the last occupation period of the sites using surface remains. The results of the study emphasise the former occupants' preference for the most elevated landscape units close to fertile pastures, good cultivation grounds, and extensive fishing potential for their settlement sites. The occupants' ability to distribute and exchange agricultural surplus for luxury goods – imported via regional, inter-regional and trans-Saharan trade networks – is impressive, showing that they were able to compete with occupants of the large urban centres. Although the rural sites were much smaller than Djenné-Djeno and Dia, they were well connected. The rural hinterland apparently played an important role in most of the great West African empires. Population densities of the Inland Niger Delta were high for a long time, until the trade routes changed in the 15th century AD and the region became socio-politically unstable. This led to the abandonment of settlements, first around the urban settlements, and later also in the rural hinterland. The present-day occupation of the region is only a poor reflection of its impressive past.

Coarse ‘dwelling-place’ pottery is usually of little interest in the study of Neolithic cultures, for which reason it rarely receives the same attention as forms of ware that is of better workmanship, technically and artistically. Still, within the category ‘coarse pottery’ there may be details of no little significance to comparative archaeology. As an example, I propose in the following to discuss briefly a single type of vessel within European Corded-Ware or Battle-Axe cultures, starting out from some finds in Denmark where the type has not previously attracted attention.

A few years ago an examination was made of a Stone Age settlement at Selbjerg, on the islet of Øland in the Limfiord, Northern Jutland; traces were observed of several Neolithic settlements in conjunction with a regular culture deposit and shell mound. One important discovery was pottery of the South Scandinavian Pitted-Ware Culture. Higher up in the deposit were fragments of pottery which were determinable as of Late Single Grave Culture. At least eight vessels were represented, including a beaker of flower-pot type and one or two large, coarse vessels. It has been possible to reconstruct the form of the best preserved specimen (fig. 1). It had measured about 35 cm. in height and presumably had a flat base (some bottom sherds may perhaps be parts of this vessel, but they have been omitted from the drawing). As the sole form of decoration it has an applied clay moulding just below the rim. Both rim and moulding are formed into waves by finger pressure.

In better condition is a vessel (pl. III, a) recently excavated at Ravnholt, in the parish of Gesten, South Jutland. The upper part could be pieced together completely and the bottom was in such a state of preservation that it could be reconstructed; only a few sherds of the intermediate wall could not be fitted in. In all probability the vessel was about 40 cm. in height with a diameter of 35 cm. across the rim. It is relatively thin walled, the material is coarse and gravelly; both inside and out the surface presents a curious striation, as if the wet clay prior to kilning had been smoothed off with a whisk of straw or something else that was rough. On its outer side the edge of the rim is drawn out into small waves (pl. III, c), and about 2 cm. below it is a wavy moulding formed by finger pressure from one side. Otherwise the vessel is quite plain.

In discussing the points of contact between Neolithic Britain and the Continent, it is desirable from many points of view to begin at the beginning, and to conclude with the introduction of metal. I prefer this to the method adopted in our leading text-book, even though it brings us at once into an area of conflict, where nothing should be taken for granted, and general agreement is not yet in sight. In Scandinavia there seems to be a definite terminus a quo, though even there some elements of doubt can be detected. It is generally assumed that human life began in the peninsula soon after the last or Baltic glaciation came to an end; and the first question is whether the same holds good for Britain, and if so, to what extent, for an ice-free area in the south of England is recognised by most authorities even during the severe glaciation that accounted for boulder-clay at Finchley, only three miles north of the Thames.

As will be seen later, intercourse with Scandinavia was lively during two phases of the Megalithic period, but there is nothing to shew that the Neolithic civilisations east and west of the North Sea had a common origin or began at the same date.

Before studying the significance of the series of implements generally known as ‘discoidal polished flint knives,’ I should like first to acknowledge printed sources of informatıon, and secondly, assistance rendered by correspondents and curators of various collections. Many years ago Sir John Evans recognised the type and described and figured several examples in his ‘Ancient Stone Implements of Great Britain,’ and later, in Volume XLIV., pages 97–100 of the Wiltshire Archæological Magazine, Dr. R. C. C. Clay collected some sixty odd records, which he classified according to their shape. The excuse for this paper is that it is an attempt to extract from as wide data as possible the significance of the forms and distribution of the type as a whole. In accumulating the necessary evidence I have received especial help from Mr. Burkitt, who has enabled me to handle the fine series in the Museum at Cambridge; from Mr. Leeds, who gave me access to the specimens of the Evans Collection now in the Ashmolean; from the Curators of London, Norwich and Ipswich Museums, who sent me interesting records; from Mr. Graham Callander, who not only checked my list for Scotland, but who also contributed new records and helpful suggestions. In addition, several private collectors have kindly let me have records of their specimens, and, in many cases, illustrations.

I have been asked to explain the circumstances under which certain flint implements of the Le Moustier period were found near the trenches at Coigneux. And this with special reference to geological strata. Between the 1st April and the 14th August, 1918, Coigneux, a small village about 16 miles S.W. of Arras, lay some 6 miles behind the British front line. At the commencement of the German offensive in 1918 the ground on three sides of the village was hastily prepared for defence, and a triple line of trenches with many branches (known as the “Red Line”) was constructed. At first these trenches were only about 4 feet deep, but in June and July some of them were further excavated to a total depth of 6 feet. They were never manned by the infantry, and the parapets of the trenches were never disturbed. As officer in charge of the 42nd Division Observers, I lived in the neighbourhood of Coigneux from the middle of April till the middle of August, 1918. I had, therefore ample opportunity in the intervals of military duty to inspect the excavations, especially during the period of their extension. I had already searched for flint implements in different parts of France. And in June 1918, a kind suggestion from Reginald A. Smith, Esq., F.S.A., made me pay special attention to this excavated ground.

The hoard from Borodino, north-west of the Black Sea, and the cemetery of Seima in central Russia are the best known names in the literature dealing with the Bronze Age of eastern Europe. On the alleged dates of Borodino and Seima the whole structure of the Bronze Age chronology of Russia and even Siberia is built.

Tallgren in his Pontide Préscythique (1926) and in his earlier publications dated the Borodino and Seima finds to the period from 1300–1100 B.C. This date was used by many other archæologists. Tallgren based his views on analogies between Borodino and Koban axes (Tallgren 1926, 140) which actually do not exist. Koban axes are different; they belong to the Koban culture of the early Iron Age in the central Caucasus around the end of the second millennium B.C. The Borodino hoard is definitely earlier than the Koban culture. Another indication of a more or less absolute date of the Borodino hoard is the similarity of the ornamental motifs executed on the Borodino pin with those on the gold buttons from Shaft-Graves Nos. IV and V of Mycenæ. This relationship was already indicated by Spitsyn (1916).