Violent crime has been commonplace in Latin America over the past decades. While existing research has made progress in explaining the rationale and outcomes of government coercive strategies against crime, it has overlooked the non‐coercive strategies implemented to improve public security. It is argued in this article that political authorities make human capital enhancement efforts to shape actors’ incentives about criminal activity and mitigate crime. Accordingly, it is hypothesised that violent crime increases human capital enhancement efforts, and that the effect of violent crime on human capital enhancement efforts is larger when left‐oriented governments are in power because they stress actors’ motivations over windows of opportunities as the main drivers of crime. Support for these hypotheses is found in a sample of Latin American democracies in the period 1990–2007.

The phenomenon of populism and its relationship with modern democracy has gained considerable attention in recent years. This article aims at advancing our understanding of how populism affects different models of democracy and tests the proposed arguments empirically. Building on a large scholarly literature on populism and democracy, we take stock of existing arguments and theorize which democratic models may be affected by populism in a positive or negative way. Moreover, we move beyond the normative debate and analyse the effect of populism in power on different models of democracy empirically. We do so by merging data on populist governments in Europe and Latin America from 1995 until today with the Varieties of Democracy dataset, which enables us to capture the relationship between populism and different democratic models in these regions. Despite mixed‐theoretical expectations, our results suggest a rather negative impact of populism on the electoral, liberal and deliberative models of democracy.

Media Competence (MC) enables citizens to efficiently utilize information and communication technologies, for both consuming and producing content, in order to participate in digital society in a responsible and reflective manner. Its integration in the curriculum requires inter-sectorial collaboration, which includes not only education authorities, but also key actors such as Civil Society Organizations (CSO). The present study examines the perception of CSO with regard to the integration of MC in the curriculum of basic education in Latin American countries. For this, a survey was designed that was stored in a digital platform. It was completed by 63 CSO from fourteen different countries. The main findings indicate that: a) the CSO recognize the importance of teaching MC and the associated challenges, such as the digital divide, the lack of political will, and the lack of understanding of the concept by the population in general; and b) they contribute through the creation of education resources and the teaching of classes for teachers and other vulnerable groups; however, it is crucial to strengthen the network of collaboration with other groups of interest, prioritize MC in their agendas, and ensure that CSO receive training in this area.

Throughout Latin America, the relationship between government and civil society organizations (CSOs) has been characterized by opposition, substitution, and submission; and, the incipient path to cooperation is barely noticeable. For their part, participatory public policies make sense within a theory of democratic governance. Democratic governance seeks two propositions: (a) participation from other social actors will give rise to more efficient government action; and (b) citizen support will emerge from the said government action. This paper criticizes the current relationships between the governments and CSOs in this region. In addition, it explores the potential strategies that could be adopted were there a cooperation between these two entities. The paper is supported by theoretical literature as well as by a revision of some cases of participatory public policies that are currently active in the region. The paper proposes that the strategies of opposition to government and government substitution have to be abandoned in this region. The paper focuses on civil organizations (CSOs). It is true that they do not constitute the entirety of civil society; however, they are frequently the most organized compared with other civic actors, such as social movements, families, and individual initiatives. CSOs form only a part of the diversity known as civil society; however, they significantly contribute to the discussion about the public good, and very often they participate in providing such goods. The future of participatory democracy in Latin America is related to our ability to achieve a more complete participation of CSOs in the entire process of participatory public policies—from the formation of public agendas to their design, implementation, and evaluation.

In spite of the strong historical links that connect Europe with South America, EU studies are underdeveloped in the latter region. This article takes stock of how European politics in general, and European integration in particular, are studied and taught in Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Uruguay in order to assess such paradox and evaluate its prospects.

Drawing on a range of fieldwork interviews, this paper discusses the opposition of civil society to nonferrous metals mining in Guatemala. Guatemala’s mineral resources, and government efforts to encourage their extraction, are discussed, as is the emergent civil society of that nation. Guatemalan civil society has opposed mining due to the impacts of its environmental effects upon the poor engaged in subsistence agriculture. This opposition has involved protests, community consultations against mining, and networking with the forces of global civil society. The paper concludes with a discussion of how this opposition to mining is a manifestation of the opposition to neoliberalism currently underway in Latin America.

Research about political science in Latin America shows good progress on issues such as the extension of undergraduate and postgraduate programmes, the quality of academic production and the social recognition of the profession. Still, the status of women and diversity in the field has been scarcely contemplated. This fact is striking considering that Latin America is characterised by great inequalities, and scientific communities are not isolated from prevailing social prejudices. The article provides a first approach to the question of the status of women and diversity in the discipline in Latin America, examining women’s presence in professional associations, universities and national research systems. Journals and congresses are also examined in order to assess the participation of women as authors and panellists, as well as the extent to which diversity and gender-related issues are addressed in academic production. The findings point to the existence of a ‘critical mass’ of women in the field, although they are outnumbered by their male counterparts. This feature makes the profession in Latin America more similar to political science communities elsewhere and less like other social sciences in the region, which are feminised disciplines.

In Latin America, the emergence of a series of civil society initiatives aimed at citizen engagement for social accountability and democratization in local governance has been a novelty since the 2000s. One of these initiatives is the Latin American Network for Fair, Democratic and Sustainable Cities and Territories, which congregates over 70 initiatives in 10 countries. This article describes and analyzes the nature of civil society initiatives, their repertoires of actions, and their incidence in processes of transparency and accountability, citizen participation, public policies, and local governance. The research was conducted between 2012 and 2016, including a questionnaire with 23 initiatives in 8 countries, interviews, participant observation, and document analysis. The results show the emergence of cross-sectional and systemic accountability, counting on collaboration and co-production of information and control between citizens and government agencies.

Contexts outside the advanced developed democracies present a challenge to assessing how well party systems reflect voter preferences across over-arching policy dimensions because not all electorates readily interpret political conflict in dimensional terms. In this contribution, I advocate an approach suited for such contexts that combines deductive and inductive elements: It starts out with what observers consider the most important dividing lines in a party system, and then goes on to operationalize these dimensions in an inductive fashion by drawing on all theoretically relevant items that are available in mass and elite surveys. I devise a relative-fit measure of responsiveness that can be compared across space and time, even if positions at the elite and mass levels are measured on different scales. To illustrate the usefulness of the strategy, I show how it leads to novel contrasts in terms of programmatic responsiveness among four Latin American countries, namely Chile, Brazil, Venezuela, and Bolivia.

This article challenges the perception that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are immune from attributes commonly associated with political parties, such as clientelism. Through a case study of an NGO and a political party in semi-urban Argentina, this article demonstrates that despite associational differences with local political party network, these two associational networks produced similar social outcomes—such as, dependency, exclusivity, and paternalism—a phenomenon traced to the NGO’s and political parties’ similar structures and tactics. Contrary to the prevailing positive view of the NGO, held by scholars, the media, and development practitioners, it was guided by financial interests and a continual focus on locating external funding sources to facilitate its goals. Not surprisingly, the political party was dominated by politically oriented interests and an ever-present focus on obtaining votes. However, these seemingly different associations had a similar objective, i.e., the continual effort to obtain sources of support thus demonstrating how powerful structures can still dominate poor communities even when forms change.

Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are a major institutional force in promoting sustainable development, especially in institutional environments where governments have often not been able to assume the role of development agent. Despite this importance, the approach of Latin American NGOs to sustainability has received only little attention so far and respective research is scarce. To address this research gap, we conducted an online survey of 306 Latin American NGOs, investigating their understanding of sustainability and how they seek to transmit it. Due to the lack of previous empirical studies, our study is exploratory in nature and examines eight research categories: (1) NGOs definition of sustainability; (2) the role they see for themselves in its promotion, (3) dimensions of sustainability judged as important, (4) stakeholders and (5) partners considered, (6) motives for pursuing sustainability, (7) forms of implementation, and (8) measures regarded as necessary for spreading it further. Our findings are discussed against the institutional environment of Latin America, as we assume that the understanding and transmission of sustainability is contextual in nature. Our study shows that the sustainability concept of the sample NGOs is broad and that they take a wide variety of efforts for implementing it. Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses confirmed the reliability and validity of the eight-component-model we applied for our study. Thus, it serves as a valuable starting point for future research into the “terra incognita” of Latin American NGOs’ approach to sustainability.

Nongovernmental organization (NGO) networks have become key instruments used by NGOs in Latin America. Because these networks have important roles to play in advocating for the sector, earning public support, and improving the provision of public goods and services, understanding these networks is important to understanding the NGO sector more broadly. The article examines how NGO networks use collective texts to diffuse and adapt managerial practices. NGO networks use elements of managerialism and their adaptations to signal quality, secure recognition in social development, identify strengths and weaknesses of the sector, and define civil society in order to garner sector legitimacy. While looking at managerialism from a critical perspective, the article finds that understanding NGOs networks and the diffusion and adaption of NGO practices can further pinpoint effective sources of sector legitimacy and help to strengthen the sector’s role in social development.