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El objetivo de este artículo es aplicar diferentes metodologías para medir la pobreza absoluta de ingresos en sectores urbanos en Chile entre 1940 y 1992. La perspectiva metodológica combina el food share method de la CEPAL, las mediciones Foster-Greer-Thorbecke (FGT) y la propuesta de Prados de la Escosura. La investigación muestra que: 1) el modelo ISI inicialmente reduce la pobreza, pero se estanca al finalizar la Segunda Guerra Mundial; 2) en los años cincuenta, la crisis opaca los avances de la década anterior; 3) entre 1964 y 1971, la pobreza se reduce drásticamente; 4) durante el gobierno militar (1973-1990), tras superar la crisis inflacionaria de los setenta, la pobreza vuelve a niveles históricos presentes desde la Segunda Guerra Mundial y luego desciende gradualmente desde 1983.
This chapter is an overview of central banking developments between 1919 and 1939, highlighting the establishment and operation of 28 new central banks, most in what are now called emerging markets and developing countries. Inspired by expert advice and underpinned by foreign lending, the new banks were designed to function independently from political interference, and to defend the gold standard as part an international, rules-based network of cooperating institutions. The Great Depression revealed the flaws in this setup. As capital flows dried up and international cooperation faltered, the gold standard disintegrated, and central banks were unable to head off macroeconomic and financial collapse. Designed to fight inflation, they were ill-prepared to address financial fragility. In the wake of their failure, a two-pronged reaction set in. Central bank autonomy was curtailed, while monetary policy was subordinated to new policy objectives, including the support of import substitution in Latin America and central planning in Eastern Europe. At the same time, central banks’ powers expanded, as they were transformed into agents of state-led development policy. Thus, the new central banks of the 1920s and 1930s were integrally involved not just in post-First World War reconstruction and the Great Depression, but also in the key economic developments of the mid-20th century.
Central banks were not always as ubiquitous as they are today. Their functions were circumscribed, their mandates ambiguous, and their allegiances once divided. The inter-war period saw the establishment of twenty-eight new central banks – most in what are now called emerging markets and developing economies. The Emergence of the Modern Central Bank and Global Cooperation provides a new account of their experience, explaining how these new institutions were established and how doctrinal knowledge was transferred. Combining synthetic analysis with national case studies, this book shows how institutional design and monetary practice were shaped by international organizations and leading central banks, which attached conditions to stabilization loans and dispatched 'money doctors.' It highlights how many of these arrangements fell through when central bank independence and the gold standard collapsed.
Aggregate demand problems can jeopardize the existence of a steady growth path in mature capitalist economies: fiscal policy may be needed to maintain full employment and avoid secular stagnation. This functional finance approach to economic policy endogenizes the movements in public debt. The debt ratio will converge towards a long-run value that depends (i) inversely on the rate of growth, (ii) inversely on government consumption, and (iii) directly on the degree of inequality. The analysis implies that policies and policy debates on the dangers of public debt have been misguided and that the incipient theoretical redirection following the rediscovery of secular stagnation by Summers and others does not go far enough. Unlike in mature economies, functional finance cannot target full employment in developing economies with high rates of underemployment. Instead, high investment rates are desirable, and functional finance should aim to stabilize the level and composition of demand at values that are consistent with a target growth rate of the modern sector; excessive aggregate demand stimulus can squeeze the modern sector and lead to premature deindustrialization.
This paper establishes new stylized facts about labor market dynamics in developing economies, which are distinct from those in advanced economies, and then proposes a simple model to explain them. We first show that the response of hours worked and employment to a technology shock—identified by a structural VAR model with either short-run or long-run restrictions—is substantially smaller in developing economies. We then present compelling empirical evidence that several structural factors related to the relevance of subsistence consumption across countries can jointly account for the relative volatility of employment to output and that of consumption to output. We argue that a standard real business cycle (RBC) model augmented with subsistence consumption can explain the several salient features of business cycle fluctuations in developing economies, especially their distinct labor market dynamics under technology shocks.
Financial institutions in developing economies fail to provide entrepreneurs with access to finance to grow their businesses. This severely hampers economic development in these countries. We seek to explain why and develop an argument and model based on Knight's theory, which we augment in two ways. First, by describing problems embedded in financial institutions of developing economies, for which we use the Schumpeterian view that creative destruction requires new credit to fund entrepreneurial disruption and de Soto's finding that undocumented assets possessed by entrepreneurs in developing economies cannot be leveraged as collateral to access finance. Second, we use Williamson's hierarchical institutional model to distinguish vertical interactions. The model is illustrated using the case of Uganda, a developing country in Eastern Africa. Our analysis finds that Uganda suffers from intertwined and misaligned formal and informal institutions, limited extent of codified property, and sparse access to finance. The findings prompt policymakers in developing economies to consider problems with and within financial institutions.
Ductal stents, right ventricular outflow tract stents, and aortopulmonary shunts are used to palliate newborns and infants with reduced pulmonary blood flow. Current long-term outcomes of these palliations from resource-restricted countries are unknown.
Methods:
This single-centre, retrospective, observational study analysed the technical success, immediate and late mortality, re-interventions, and length of palliation in infants ≤5 kg who underwent aortopulmonary shunts, ductal, and pulmonary outflow stents. Patients were grouped by their anatomy.
Results:
There were 69 infants who underwent one of the palliations. Technical success was 90% for aortopulmonary shunts (n = 10), 91% for pulmonary outflow stents (n = 11) and 100% for ductal stents (n = 48). Early mortality within 30 days in 12/69 patients was observed in 20% after shunts, 9% after pulmonary outflow stents, and 19% after ductal stents. Late mortality in 11 patients was seen in 20% after shunts, 18% after outflow stents, and 15% after ductal stents. Seven patients needed re-interventions; two following shunts, one following outflow stent, and four following ductal stents for hypoxia. Among the anatomical groups, 10/12 patients with pulmonary atresia, intact ventricular septum survived after valvotomy and ductal stenting. Survival to Glenn shunt after ductal stent for pulmonary atresia, intact ventricular septum and diminutive right ventricle was very low in two out of eight patients, but very good (100%) for other univentricular hearts. Among 35 patients with biventricular lesions, 22 survived to the next stage.
Conclusions:
Cyanotic infants, despite undergoing technically successful palliation had a high inter-stage mortality irrespective of the type of palliation. Duct stenting in univentricular hearts and in pulmonary atresia with an intact ventricular septum and adequate sized right ventricle tended to have low mortality and better long-term outcome. Completion of biventricular repair after palliation was achieved only in 63% of patients, reflecting unique challenges in developing countries despite advances in intensive care and interventions.
Several sources of today’s pressure on managers operating in developing and emerging economies (DEEs) are arguably more associated with social issues than profit-making concerns. Managers are thus faced with understanding and embedding solutions to societal challenges in their core business strategies in order to be sustainable. Consequently, solutions that go beyond the traditional focus of the CSR discourse on philanthropy in DEMs have become much more imperative as companies strive to use CSR to re-engineer their value chain. As lack of adequate human skills remains a major problem to firms and society, the existing challenges of human capital in many DEMs present businesses (both small and big firms) with the opportunity to use CSR to increase the knowledge, skills and abilities of both their workforce and the society in general. A firm that is able to invest in human capital development across the entire spectrum of its several stakeholders is more likely to achieve a higher competitive advantage and sustainable growth. In this chapter, we present case studies of two different approaches to using CSR as a tool for human capital development in Africa and given the success of the companies, it is recommended that firms operating in DEMs should place emphasis on developing and utilizing CSR policies and strategies for human capital development.
The informal economy is the source of livelihood for the teeming population of low-income earners in developing economies. Several studies have been conducted on the informal economy’s impact on Africa’s economic development and the neglect of the sector by the government in policy decisions. However, studies on social responsibility in businesses have largely neglected discourse on socially responsible practices in the informal sector, especially in Nigeria. In this regard, this chapter seeks to contribute to the limited extant literature on small business social responsibility in developing economies – specifically Nigeria – and how the exposition of such practices could contribute immensely to the sustainable development of the country. Employing the qualitative research methodology, the study explored how informal businesses conceive of socially responsible practice; what specific social responsibility they adopt; and how these practices could advance the sustainable development of the country. Findings from the study highlighted apprenticeship and credit sales as the major practices informal businesses engage in while also noting that such practices are integrated into the daily operations of informal businesses rather than as a separate department. The authors finally made some linkages between informal social responsibility and sustainable development and advanced some recommendations on the subject matter.
Thomas Donaldson’s framework for dealing with value-conflicts between a manager’s home and host country distinguishes between a “conflict of relative [economic] development”—conflicting norms that arise because home and host are at two different stages of economic development—and a “conflict of culture,” which arises because the home and host’s different cultures generate conflicting norms on the issue the manager faces. My question here is a thought experiment. What different insights might emerge if we flipped Donaldson’s framework around? Specifically: What if we viewed the kinds of conflicts that fall under Donaldson’s “conflicts of culture” as arising not because the home and host exhibit a “fundamental” conflict in cultural norms, but because they are at two different stages of cultural development? And what if we viewed “conflicts of relative economic development” as conflicts that occur not because home and host are at two different stages of economic development but, simply, because their economies contemporaneously interact with each other in ways that generate normative conflict: call them “conflicts of economy”?
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