Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Chapter 1 Introduction
- Chapter 2 Transitional Justice and the Spanish Case
- Chapter 3 The Burden of Spain’s 20th Century History
- Chapter 4 The Repression and Its Legal Structure
- Chapter 5 A Transition without Justice?
- Chapter 6 Questioning the Transition: Late Transitional Justice?
- Chapter 7 The Historical Memory Act and Its Implementation
- Chapter 8 Prosecuting the Crimes of Francoism
- Chapter 9 Is Criminal Prosecution Viable? The Theoretical Debate
- Chapter 10 Seeking Justice more than Thirty Years after the Transition
- Bibliography
- Internet resources
- Appendix. Spanish Historical Memory Act
Chapter 5 - A Transition without Justice?
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 December 2020
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Chapter 1 Introduction
- Chapter 2 Transitional Justice and the Spanish Case
- Chapter 3 The Burden of Spain’s 20th Century History
- Chapter 4 The Repression and Its Legal Structure
- Chapter 5 A Transition without Justice?
- Chapter 6 Questioning the Transition: Late Transitional Justice?
- Chapter 7 The Historical Memory Act and Its Implementation
- Chapter 8 Prosecuting the Crimes of Francoism
- Chapter 9 Is Criminal Prosecution Viable? The Theoretical Debate
- Chapter 10 Seeking Justice more than Thirty Years after the Transition
- Bibliography
- Internet resources
- Appendix. Spanish Historical Memory Act
Summary
THE “SPANISH MODEL”: RHETORIC ABOUT RECONCILIATION AND A DECISION NOT TO LOOK BACK TO THE PAST
The transition from dictatorship to democracy was triggered by the death of Franco on 20 November 1975. Two days later, King Juan Carlos I was crowned. The restoration of the monarchy took place in strict compliance with the provisions of the dictator who, in 1968, through the Law of Succession, had appointed the grandson of last king, Alfonso XIII, who had left Spain in 1931, before the proclamation of the Second Republic, as his successor. There was no break with the past, but absolute institutional continuity. Juan Carlos I assumed the position of Head of State and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces. The legitimacy of the monarchy was subsequently confirmed by King Alfonso XIII's son, Juan de Borbón, renouncing the crown in favour of his son, Juan Carlos. The new monarch did not condemn the Franco regime, but rather pronounced messages in favour of harmony and reconciliation among all Spaniards. The monarchy gradually expressed support for establishing a democracy without breaking with the former regime and with calls to look forward to the future and not back to the past.
The Spanish Government, headed by Adolfo Suárez, promoted a process of democratic reform, which was reflected in a law of political reform passed by the Cortes Generales, a body with a parliamentary appearance that had existed under the Franco regime but which had never been directly elected by Spain's citizens. The new law was put to referendum and approved on 15 December 1976. Under these legal provisions, democratic general elections were subsequently held on 15 June 1977, from which a Constituent Parliament emerged, with two chambers, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate, whose primary mission was to draw up a constitution. During this period, a number of measures were adopted that were distinctly democratic in character; these included various amnesties and remedial measures that we shall examine later. Almost all political parties were legalised and were allowed to participate in the elections of June 1977. The trickiest decision centred on the legalisation of the Communist Party.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- Historical Memory and Criminal Justice in SpainA Case of Late Transitional Justice, pp. 61 - 74Publisher: IntersentiaPrint publication year: 2013