CONCLUSION

Summary

I began Part One with a description of street guides making themselves at home in a becak drivers' roadside hangout. I then proposed that identifying capital in its various guises helps to gain an understanding of the roles of music making in the maintenance of peaceful inter-group relations social relations in Yogyakarta, with those among and between the becak drivers and street guides in Sosrowijayan being a case in point. I noted that Bourdieu had formulated an important way of understanding domination beyond purely economic measures, through social and cultural capital. I also suggested that a communitarian reading of social capital ensures that Bourdieu's focus on power and inequality does not reduce all social interaction to these dimensions. I then described and examined musical discussions and practices as a means to better understand interplays between economic capital, regionalist, nationalist and globalist cultural capital, and in-group and inter-group social capital in the daily lives of the workers.

Considering the musical dimensions in more detail, it needs to be remembered that the music of the street guides' jalanan inflected Shower Band did not include campursari, beloved of becak drivers and most rural dwellers working in the city. Consequently there was a lack of interaction between the guides and becak drivers on the night of their first gig. The guides' drunken music making at the drivers' stand did not perform a unifying role, but rather reinforced boundaries between the two groups. At the same time, despite the economic disparities brought by tourism, Sosrowijayan-based music making in the main did not lead to tension and conflict. This is a point worth reflecting on. Where musical tastes and sensibilities did not meet, as was most notably the case between campursari and rock-influenced jalanan, the separate identities these maintained did not lead to open conflict.