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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 12 June 2021
…the Parties hereto hereby agree…That the unity of the Sudan, based on the free will of its people democratic governance, accountability, equality, respect, and justice for all citizens of the Sudan is and shall be the priority of the parties and that it is possible to redress the grievances of the people of South Sudan and to meet their aspirations within such a framework….That the people of South Sudan have the right to self-determination, inter alia, through a referendum to determine their future status….That the people of the Sudan share a common heritage and aspirations and accordingly agree to work together to….Design and implement the Peace Agreement so as to make the unity of the Sudan an attractive option especially to the people of South Sudan.
Machakos Protocol, 20 July 2002‘It is sad but it is not shocking. The failure was always inevitable but you had to be a southerner to know that’, wrote a Sudanese columnist, Ali Belail in the Egyptian Al-Ahram the week the preliminary results of the southern referendum were released.
Perhaps it was a country that never made sense. For it to have made any sense required us all Sudanese to swear allegiance to something bigger and more important. It couldn't be the tribe because there are so many. It couldn't be the race because there are so many. It couldn't be religion because there are so many. It could only be an idea that would encompass all those things.
If the break-up of the country was not inevitable at the beginning of 1989, when negotiations between the parliamentary government and the SPLM began in earnest, it was by the end of 2005, despite the aspirational language of the Machakos Protocol. To what extent did the CPA address the root causes of conflict, and to what extent did the manner of the implementation of the CPA hasten the dismemberment of Sudan?
No peace treaty can undo the past; it can only address and attempt to redress the consequences of the past.
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