The general aim of this paper is to test by quantitative methods Mitchell's statement (Mitchell, 1965, p. 193) that ‘we expect the meaning which people read into misfortunes to change when they become part of an industrial urban community’. Mitchell was commenting (and elaborating) on the demonstration by Marwick (1952) that witchcraft accusations are particularly likely to occur between people who are in competition with one another, but who are prevented by the norms of the society from expressing their hostility openly. He suggests that Africans in town continue to interpret their misfortunes in ‘personal’ terms but that ‘the meaning that they attach to the misfortune must be of a type which will allow them to take effective action’. In the towns of the Copperbelt hostility and opposition may be openly expressed toward strangers, so there is no need for accusations of witchcraft (signalling interpersonal tensions), except where townsfolk are linked in co-operative enterprises in which, nevertheless, there is an element of competition, e.g. as between rival beerbrewers or fellow workers. In such cases open accusation tends to be inhibited and the interpretation recouched in terms of ancestral wrath. Mitchell sees, therefore, an increase in ancestor-centred explanation of misfortune in urban areas and implies a decrease in witch accusations. Marwick has suggested, on the other hand, that ‘the immediate effect of contact with Western influence is not a decrease but an increase in the African's preoccupation with magic, witchcraft and sorcery’, due to new social alignments and social, economic and political changes, which create insecurity, anxiety, and impart a ‘dangerous flexibility’ to human relationships (Marwick, 1958, p. 106).