The question of when the first people came to North America defies consensus. Data from an array of fields would seem to narrow the number and timing of migrations, but that evidence is at best circumstantial and cannot be used to constrain what is strictly an archaeological matter. Advocates of a pre-12,000 B.P. human population assert that their evidence is valid and is rejected by skeptics only because of deep-set historical biases. That assertion is not well-founded. If a bias exists, it is in the assumption that there were only three discrete migrations, the earliest of which was Clovis. The possibility that these migrations were not discrete episodes involving small founding populations, but instead may have been migratory dribbles spread over thousands of years, has implications for understanding the variation evident among modern descendant populations and the archaeological variability of Clovis. The possibility that there were early, pre-12,000 B.P. migrations that may have been wholly unrelated to Clovis and failed, may have equally important implications for why we don"t know when the first people came to North America.

The prehistoric period of the northern American Southwest is characterized by increased population, increased agricultural production, and regional depopulation. Most current models of evolutionary change that attempt to explain these phenomena are defined at the scale of "culture" or of a specific adaptation, e.g., "Anasazi adaptive system." I suggest that for most purposes these are not productive constructs, and that their application makes useful explanations difficult, if not impossible to formulate. As a further liability, these models ignore the role of natural selection as an explanatory mechanism, preferring instead to seek explanation through the premature application of the concept of adaptation. The application of a selectionist perspective, as opposed to the more popular adaptationist model, leads to the conclusion that the operation of natural selection favoring productive specialization accounts for the characteristics noted above for the prehistoric American Southwest.

While isotopic and elemental analyses of prehistoric skeletons have made an important contribution to paleodietary research over the last 10 years, certain problems in the application of these techniques only now are emerging. These problems, affecting both isotopic and trace-element studies, mainly are due to the peculiar interdisciplinary nature of the field, rather than to any technological barrier. With minor exceptions, techniques developed largely in other sciences have been grafted on to archaeological problems. This no longer suffices because gaps remain in the scientific grounding of these techniques that need to be addressed before more complicated archaeological questions can be resolved. While the necessary studies may seem to be of little immediate anthropological interest, they are vital if continued progress in paleodietary research is to characterize the years ahead.

In spite of deranging factors that have retarded full acceptance, the obsidian hydration dating method has potential for archaeology. Its application to 16 obsidian samples from a Tecep phase burial (A.D. 800-1100+) at the Maya site of Nohmul, Belize, suggests late persistence of occupation and allows for resolution of a stratigraphic problem.

The discovery of a number of prehispanic saltmaking sites on the southern coast of Belize by the Point Placencia Archaeological Project suggests a concern with local saltmaking during the Late Classic and perhaps later periods. Previously, only one small source was thought to have produced salt in prehispanic Belize, and it was believed that most of this mineral was imported from the northern coast of Yucatan. This paper describes the sites located by our survey and offers an interpretation of the local saltmaking process. It is suggested that Placencia salt was inferior in quality to that from Yucatan, and that it might have been consumed by commoners, while elites were able to obtain pure Yucatecan salt.

A series of 29 radiocarbon dates from 11 sites on Admiralty Island span the last 3,200 calendar years. Although our research corroborates many of the results of de Laguna's (1960) earlier work in the area, we find the Tlingit settlement pattern to be at least 1,600 years old, significantly older than previously believed. Dating of a wooden fish weir demonstrates that mass harvesting of salmon has an antiquity of at least 3,000 years.

A large corpus of data on plant remains from prehistoric feces yields patterns of prehistoric Four Corners Anasazi diet. A general stability of plant-food consumption continues from at least the Basketmaker III through Pueblo III periods, with corn being the one consistently common fecal remain. Other agricultural plants—both crops and weeds—are important throughout the region. There is temporal and spatial variation in the types and abundance of macroplant remains recovered from these feces. Temporally distinct assemblages from the same study area are more similar than contemporary assemblages from different areas. This indicates the importance of the local resource structure (both natural and human maintained) as a major factor influencing dietary composition, even within a relatively small region such as the Four Corners of the northern Southwest.

Archaeological studies concerned with reconstructing activity areas, room functions, and site-formation processes can benefit greatly from analyses of the microartifacts found on and within occupation surfaces. These remains are often primary refuse directly related to activities, and can be used to identify such locations as food-preparation areas, flint-knapping stations, and storage facilities. In addition, certain microartifacts are informative about site-formation processes. For example, the grain-size distribution of charcoal may be indicative of primary vs. secondary refuse, high percentages of corroded and crushed bone from scavenger feces may indicate locations of secondary refuse, and many small sherds could point to heavily trampled areas. A case study from the Iron Age city site of Tel Miqne-Ekron in central Israel demonstrates the use of microarchaeology at a complex sedentary site.

Results of strength tests on sand- and shell-tempered ceramics reported by Bronitsky and Hamer (1986) are difficult to interpret because of flawed experimental procedures and have questionable relevance to the archaeological record. Results from an improved procedure suggest shell-tempered ceramics as produced in prehistoric southeastern Missouri were stronger and tougher than sand-tempered counterparts.

Feathers is critical of the selection of materials and the use of commercial clay in our earlier research. The use of shell temper from the Great Lakes to the Gulf of Mexico suggests that the properties of this material were considered useful regardless of the specific clay source. Furthermore, Feathers’s comments indicate the need for further discussion and understanding of the role of simulated use testing of archaeological materials.

Aboriginal northern Great Lakes fishing strategies varied with season, target species, and organization of the labor force. The placement of Woodland archaeological sites complied with the structure of these fisheries, but their locations do not reflect prey specificity or one specialized technology. Rather, resource-general locations suggest an essential step in the process of specialization. Flexibility in settlement and social styles existed among prehistoric foragers of the midlatitudes, as did a variety of solutions to food-getting problems. Slow, accretional processes rather than temporally discrete growth processes were responsible for Late Woodland site characteristics in this region. Stable locational-selection patterns are visible through reexamination of the historical data base and through statistical analyses of environmental factors associated with sites at a number of Woodland localities.

Martin's suggestion that there is great continuity in subsistence strategy through the Middle and Late Woodland periods of the Northern Great Lakes is rejected. She fails to produce convincing evidence for the use of gill nets during Middle Woodland times and to account for the difference in fish fauna on sites of these two periods. Also addressed here is the possible consequence of economic specialization on population size and fluctuation. It is concluded that unlike Middle Woodland populations, those of the Late Woodland fluctuate rather dramatically. Finally, it is suggested that whatever the cause of the population loss and mechanisms of replacement, these shifts likely have important implications for periodicity in ceramic style change.

Fertility (crude birth rate) was estimated from skeletal and corresponding historical relative mortality ratios for a seventeenth- to eighteenth-century Barbados slave population. The estimates varied widely among themselves according to which data source and mortality ratio was used; they also varied from the actual historical fertility rate. In addition, we have raised logical objections to the use of stable model life tables for inferring nonstable vital rates in archaeological populations. These points are problematic for the broad use of relative mortality to infer relative fertility.

Cultivation of starchy seeds must be recognized as a complex of variables upon which selection operates and of which population growth is the inherent measure of success. Early weaning through the use of starchy-seed gruels, though recently proposed as the principal factor in the increase of fertility, is insufficient as a prime mover for population growth in west-central Illinois during the Middle and Late Woodland periods.

Corruccini et al. apply our method of fertility estimation to a Barbados slave population, find that it yields contradictory and erratic estimates of the crude birth rate (CBR), examine its theoretical basis, and conclude that a pessimistic view of paleodemography in general is warranted. We argue that the sample utilized by Corruccini et al. is not well suited for methodological testing. Misestimates of fertility more likely were caused by the peculiarities of this particular sample than by flaws in our method or weaknesses in its theoretical foundation. Deterministic simulations also demonstrate that our method is theoretically well founded. We cannot, therefore, share Corruccini et al.'s pessimism concerning the feasibility of paleodemographic research.

Holland suggests we have erred by providing a "unicausal" model for increased fertility in prehistoric west-central Illinois. He argues that a fuller multicausal model including coevolutionary effects provides a more accurate depiction of the prehistoric events contributing to increased fertility. We appreciate Holland's call for more elaborate models of prehistoric behaviors and evolutionary interactions between humans and other organisms. Unfortunately, his model is untestable because it includes a feedback loop with no exogenous variables. Because of a lack of outside input, Holland's model is immobile and cannot be used in itself to explain changes in organismal biology or behavior.