Eastern North American was the scene of significant and complex cultural developments which go back to man’s earliest penetration into mid-continent through the ice-free corridor from Alaska probably more than 30,000 years ago. The most extensive remains of Early Man’s culture in the New World are in the Southeast where several stages of development can be demonstrated. Following the Wisconsin Glacial period the descendants of the Early Lithic hunters-gatherers began the gradual adjustment to a variety of ecological environments that gave rise to distinctive regional or zonal Archaic complexes in the East. By late Archaic times burial ceremonialism was a prominent feature of several complexes scattered from the Northeast into the Great Lakes and Ohio Valley. The Woodland cultures of the East such as Adena and Hopewell developed upon a local Archaic base without new and different populations bringing exotic cultural ideas to the East. The major new traits of the Woodland period may be seen as developing internally or as the result of independent diffusion at various times from outside stimuli. The changes from Woodland cultures to those of the Mississipian Late Prehistoric reflect a reorientation of sociocultural institutions resulting from an improved economic base and an increased population. Recent studies document the former existence of extensive trade among various peoples over a long time but especially prominent during the Hopewellian or Middle Woodland period. Increased information on settlement patterns often indicates complex adaptations in habitation and living patterns to insure maximum utilization of natural resources. Clearly much remains to be done in eastern North American archaeology. We are far from knowing the answers to many complex problems in this highly important area. New methods and techniques now being used will greatly increase the efficiency of our data collecting and the inferences that may be drawn from these data.

The Hawken site is a steep-sided arroyo into which small groups of bison were driven and slaughtered. The bison, which date about 4500 B.C. during the Altithermal period, are an extinct variant (B. bison occidentalis) and are morphologically intermediate between B. bison antiquus and B. bison bison. The projectile points are in the Altithermal period Side-Notched tradition and the butchering tools are similar to those found in many bison kill sites from the Paleoindian to the end of the Late Prehistoric period. Continuity of bison procurement methods from Paleoindian through Altithermal and into post-Altithermal times is suggested.

The science of archaeology is based on a multi-leveled interdisciplinary system of descriptions, laws, and explanations. Archaeologists try to provide systemic descriptions and to confirm hypotheses about past social structures on the assumption that they are represented by selected parts of extant material remains. Inferences are about and based on processes and relations among social structure, material culture, and its unaltered, altered, and selected remains. Archaeological inference depends on principles of cultural behavior, the accumulation and alteration of material, and archaeologists' methods. These physico-chemical, geological, biological, psychological, sociological, anthropological, and methodological principles derive from the present behavior of men and material.

With the death on January 23, 1975, of Matthew W. Stirling, pioneer archaeologist, ethnolo-gist, and the discoverer of the Olmec civilization, American archaeology has lost one of its grand men. He is survived by his wife, Marion, a son, Matthew, his daughter Ariana, and one grandchild.

Matt was born in Salinas, California, on August 28, 1896. His father was manager for the Southern Pacific Milling Co. and was in charge of establishing warehouses in the Salinas Valley, so he lived in various small towns while growing up. While a boy and young man, he also spent considerable time on the ranches of his grandfather Williams (for whom he was named) near Gonzalez and Salinas, in a milieu that has provided the setting for some of the novels of John Steinbeck, an old family friend who often discussed the pioneer days with Matt’s maiden aunts, Did and Bee.

The Ixil differ from other Mesoamerican societies in their extensive ancestor worship and their absence of a belief in animal companion spirits. The historical and archaeological evidence shows Ixil continuity with the lowland Classic Maya with comparatively little change during the Postclassic. The conclusion is tentatively drawn that the lowland Classic Maya were ancestor worshipers, and that the predominant characteristic of those Postclassic changes outside IxU country which led to the demise of Classic ceremonial centers in some areas and the later fragmentation of political units in others, derived from a basic religious change which was reflected in a change in the use of the 260-day ritual calendar. The new religion opposed ancestor worship and introduced a depersonalized soul belief system.

This paper explores the hypothesis that the archaeological Olmecs, at least in part, were speakers of Mixe-Zoquean languages. The hypothesis is supported by not only geographical and temporal correlation, but by Mixe-Zoquean loan words in other Mesoamerican languages, many of which refer to things diagnostic of the Mesoamerican culture area. Also the cultural inventory revealed in Proto-Mixe-Zoquean vocabulary provides additional support.

Although archaeologists have experimented with computers since the early 1960s, with a few exceptions, the concept of an archaeological data bank has not been readily accepted. The authors believe that data banks can be usable tools, but that they will be used only if they are designed to satisfy realistic and precisely defined needs, and only if adequate consideration is given to data structures, human problems, and theoretical issues. Just finding the right computer system is not enough.

The assumption that a high proportion of immature herd ungulates in an archaeological site indicates a domestic population implies (a) there is a 'natural' population structure common to all wild herds, and (b) predators will kill a representative sample of this population. We challenge these implications by demonstrating that wide variations occur in the population structures of non-domestic herds, in the vulnerability of age and sex classes to predation, and in the selective hunting of herd animals by predators, including man. We conclude that the initial assumption cannot be sustained.

A watovi is one of the most important Colonial Spanish sites in the New World. A Franciscan mission was established on Antelope Mesa in northern Arizona in 1629 and was maintained until 1701. This was the area of the first introduction of many of the European domestic animals among the pueblo Indians. Native dogs as well as the remains of the first recovered Spanish greyhound are discussed.

The use of xeroradiography as a new archaeological tool is illustrated in the study of ceramic, stone, and wood artifacts. A brief comparison with conventional x-ray is given.