This article uses spatial autocorrelation analysis in order to explore the social organisation of crop and herd management at the Neolithic site of Çatalhöyük in south-central Turkey. Evidence for spatial clustering across the settlement is sought at different scales (house, neighbourhood, radial wedge, sector, sub-mound) in the different periods of occupation from Early to Late. The data used are sheep carbon and nitrogen isotopes, densities of weed species in archaeobotanical assemblages and the densities of weed species in sheep dung. The results are interpreted in relation to existing work both on crop and herd management and consumption at Çatalhöyük and on the social organisation of the settlement. Complex nested and cross-cutting social groupings shared many aspects of production and consumption activities across the site resulting in limited spatial clustering of values. The impacts of taphonomic factors on these results are considered. Especially by the Late period of occupation at Çatalhöyük, there is some evidence of distinct labour and consumption organisation linked to houses and house groupings.

This article examines supra-regional trends in magico-ritual objects through a mould-made lead figurine in the form of a foundation peg found in a disturbed Early Bronze IVB to Middle Bronze I transitional deposit at Toprakhisar Höyük (Altınözü, Hatay). The stylised object is interpreted as a bull standing atop a peg, pointing to the adoption of hybrid Syro-Anatolian and Mesopotamian technological, iconographic and apotropaic values. It is suggested the object is ritual paraphernalia, likely in relation to the cult of the Storm God, used in a foundation ritual. Together with this peculiar metal product, the presence of other magico-ritual objects that point to northern Mesopotamian connections at the small hinterland site of Toprakhisar Höyük, on the outskirts of the Amuq valley, is considered to be a possible material reflection of new groups in the region, including Hurrians and Amorites, which contributed to the unity and regionality of the cults and rituals of Syro-Anatolian communities of the Middle Bronze Age.

Alişar-IV ware is one of the most characteristic ceramic productions of early first-millennium BC central Anatolia and the only one characterised by painted figurative motifs besides geometric decorations. The ongoing excavations at Niğde-Kınık Höyük have uncovered a collection of fragments belonging to 42 Alişar-IV vessels, and this systematic material study of these sherds contributes much to understanding aspects of their production, use and consumption. Petrographic and chemical evidence presented in this study indicates that two-thirds of them were produced locally. Conversely, the study of Alişar-IV fragments from other regions of the Anatolian plateau has shown that they are non-local productions. We thus suggest that Alişar-IV ware is a product of a few centres within south-central Anatolia and that, from there, it circulated among and beyond these centres. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the main period of production of this ware covers the tenth and ninth centuries BC, in agreement with the evidence from Polatlı Yassı Höyük, Kaman-Kalehöyük and Böğazköy-Büyükkaya. The small number of Alişar-IV vessels found at each site is indicative of a limited, exclusive production. A combined study of their shapes and iconography might support the hypothesis that the Alişar-IV ware was primarily associated with wine circulation and consumption.

This article presents a newly discovered cuneiform text from the site of Üçtepe in Diyarbakır province in southeastern Turkey. The text bears a previously unknown inscription of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser I. While incomplete, it never-theless gives the most extensive lists of the conquests of Shalmaneser I yet known, including a number of previously unattested toponyms. This is in itself an important contribution to the historical documentation of the Middle Assyrian period. Furthermore, the fact that the text was written to record Shalmaneser’s rebuilding of the city wall of Sinamu allows us to propose that Üçtepe is to be identified with the site of ancient Šinamu, known to have been an important centre from the late third millennium BC and subsequently a regional capital in the provincial system of the Middle Assyrian empire. This is a significant advance on our previous understanding of the historical geography of the region. These issues are discussed in the context of the Middle Assyrian occupation of the Upper Tigris and the results of the archaeological exploration of recent decades.

This paper presents the results of an interdisciplinary study of Lydian pottery excavated at Daskyleion between 1988 and 2002. Before becoming the satrapal centre of Hellespontine Phrygia in the Achaemenid period, to judge by the historical and archaeological evidence, Daskyleion had close interrelations with the Lydian kingdom. Previous stylistic and macroscopic fabric studies of Lydian pottery from Daskyleion have shown that as well as items produced in the Lydian capital of Sardis, ceramics may also have been imported from other production centres in the region of Greater Lydia (Gürtekin-Demir 2002). New chemical analysis by neutron activation (NAA) of 31 samples from Daskyleion presented here confirms this suggestion. We determined four chemical provenance groups of Lydian pottery, each of them defined by an element pattern which is distinct from the pottery made in Sardis. Although these four provenance groups cannot be located at present due to the lack of reference data from potential Lydian-style ceramic production centres in Anatolia, they prove that other production centres existed outside Sardis. Daskyleion may have been one of those.

In 2019, excavation in the Yalnızlar neighbourhood of Sinop, Turkey, revealed a small number of architectural remains, two stone-paved floors and two lavishly decorated pebble-mosaic floors. Both the architectural remains and the pebble-mosaic floors are rare finds in Sinop, even more so given that the floors were found largely intact within their architectural settings. These elements appear to have constituted a portion of a once-grand house of the mid-fourth century BC. This article focuses on the pebble-mosaic floors, which will be analysed in two parts. The first introduces the floors and considers their construction techniques and decorative programmes. Analogies form an essential part of the analysis in order to contextualise both pavements within the corpus of Greek pebble-mosaic floors. A holistic evaluation of the architectural remains and the mosaics follows, in order to consider the setting and use of the floors. In the second part of the article, the sociocultural context of the mosaics is addressed. The analysis considers the meaning and symbolism of their decorations, as well as the place they once occupied within the lives of their owners. Ultimately, the position of the examples from Sinope within the wider sphere of mid-fourth-century BC Greek pebble-mosaic floors will be considered, along with the significance of such lavishly decorated floors in Sinope at this time.

The Hellenistic Sanctuary of Hekate at Lagina represents the only site at which Hekate received state-sponsored cult at a monumental temple and a privileged place in the local pantheon. Elsewhere in Karia and the wider Greek world, Hekate was associated with magic and the underworld and received personal dedications at doorways and crossroads. This portrayal was echoed in art, where her character manifested in her triple-bodied form. Yet, at Lagina, part of the city of Stratonikeia, she was always represented with a single body. She was the focus of civic cult, in particular during the Hekatesia-Romaia festival, which celebrated the political alliance between Stratonikeia and Rome. Through an analysis of inscriptions, representations of the goddess in sculpture and coins, and the ritual use of the complex, this article concludes that Hekate of Lagina was a syncretic and singular figure who did not exist outside of Stratonikeia, and that her function at Lagina was primarily political, as a civic patron. As a goddess who oversaw life’s transitions and acted as a saviour of her people, she was uniquely suited to the role. The goddess and her sanctuary were used by the local population to create community identities and to negotiate their relationships with the wider world, particularly their imperial rulers.

In classical archaeology the spatial aspects of deathscapes and associated funerary phenomena are often taken at face value. Beginning from a relational understanding of space, this article examines the necropoleis of middle Hellenistic to late Roman Sagalassos (second century BC to fifth century AD) within the wider context of the city. To facilitate this methodologically, four spatial aspects are investigated for the Hellenistic, Roman Imperial and late Roman periods: the relations between the spaces of the living and dead, landscaping practices, visibility and accessibility. These four aspects offer insight into the funerary and non-funerary relations from which the necropoleis emerged, developed, expanded and eventually disappeared. A whole range of funerary phenomena are included, ranging from cinerary urns, rectangular and vase-shaped ostothekai, aediculae, naiskoi, arcosolia and sarcophagi to larger sepulchral structures like temple tombs. In addition to being compared with urban developments, the observed patterns are further evaluated within the larger framework of Asia Minor. Ultimately, the enunciated archaeological patterns facilitate multicausal answers to where the Sagalassians placed their dead, if and how this changed and became more varied, and why these developments occurred in particular (re)configurations of time-space.

This article presents an analytical study of a rare example of the text of the Lord’s Prayer inscribed on an early Byzantine ceramic plate that was found in excavations at Amorium. The graffito inscription is discussed in detail and the text identified securely with the Lord’s Prayer as preserved from the Gospels of Mathew and Luke. It is an extremely rare find in Asia Minor. At the same time, the inscribed vessel is examined as an object within its possible context, ecclesiastical, domestic or other, through comparison with other known examples. Finally, the article discusses the possible uses of the Lord’s Prayer in day-to-day life and the materiality of prayer for Christians during the early Byzantine period between the fourth and seventh centuries.

This article examines the introduction of stereotomic ablaq marble geometric interlace into the architecture of Rum Seljuq Anatolia in the early 13th century CE. It is a study of the subsequent developments and changes to the constituent motifs in the following decades, before its eventual decline. Attention starts with the Zangid and Ayyubid origins of the technique, in the mihrabs of several madrasas in Aleppo, and moves on to examine the ways in which the pattern mutated and the style of execution shifted over time. A distinctively Anatolian architectural motif emerged throughout the course of the 13th century CE, primarily on monuments built in and around Konya. The possible meanings encoded within the geometric forms, and how they changed over time, are examined, as are the uses of dragon-like forms. Related figural secular examples in Iraq are studied to demonstrate the overt use of the same symbols. The article concludes with an examination of the later uses of related forms, which look similar but do not appear to be encoded with the same semiotic meanings. Ultimately it can be seen that it was the motifs rather than the techniques, first developed in Aleppo in the 12th century CE, that were more widely used in Anatolia in the 13th century CE.