Since the publication of the Late Bronze Age material from Tarsus in 1956, there have been important developments in the study of Mycenaean pottery–a ware that forms the distinctive feature of the LB IIb levels at Tarsus. At Mycenae itself the work of the Helleno-British expedition has produced comparable material, some stratified, some in bulk, which is presently under study. Major excavations have taken place at Tiryns, Lefkandi, Perati, Ag. Irini (Keos) etc. and are either fully or partially published. In Cyprus the work of Dikaios at Enkomi is published and new work at Paphos has brought startling results. All these affect the standing of the Tarsus material.

My previous opinion, used by Desborough (1964, 206), that the pottery was “Mycenaean of the transition from LH IIIB to C, with the accent rather on LH IIIB” had become quite obviously wrong and this opinion was corrected in my notes on early LH IIIC pottery written in 1968 (French VI, 136 and n. 7). Shortly after, I sought permission to study the Tarsus material when possible and this permission was kindly granted by Professor Goldman and Professor Mellink in April 1971. The significance which Professor Mellink attached to the project can be judged from her comments (1971, 168).

In the course of excavating a well-preserved late Roman bath building at Anemurium (modern Eski Anamur) during the summer of 1968 a large hoard of some six hundred and fifty whole terracotta lamps plus fragments were found stacked in a disused hypocaust system. Since that time many fragments of similar lamps and a mould have also been discovered in other parts of the site in mixed fills containing pottery of the fifth to mid-seventh centuries A.D. As few lamps of similar types have been published from the eastern Mediterranean from datable contexts the value of the Anamur hoard both as a chronological indicator and as a stage in the development of late Byzantine and early Islamic lamps is evident.

Although no datable material was found with the lamps themselves the abandonment of such a considerable body of material may perhaps be best explained by events at the site in the mid-seventh century. At this time the city seems to have been deserted, probably as a result of Arab raids on the coastal cities of Cilicia, and was only briefly reoccupied six centuries later. As there are no marks of burning on any of the lamps and as some filling and wick holes are incompletely punched through, the hoard may well be the stock of a shop or merchant hastily put away at some moment of danger and never reclaimed.

Hollows and “cup-marks”, i.e. small round depressions of various sizes, are associated with a number of Hittite and Neo-Hittite stone monuments. They are carved on the surface of the monuments and in the case of rock reliefs they are cut in the surface of the adjacent rock. This phenomenon, hitherto hardly noticed, is not accidental, and undoubtedly the hollows and cup-marks had a cultic function. It seems that various substances, probably liquids, were placed in them as part of the rituals practiced in connection with the monuments in question. In one or two cases the cup-marks are too small to have contained anything and they probably had solely a symbolic meaning.

I had the opportunity of studying these monuments during tours in Turkey in 1972. However, I could not visit all the known monuments, and thus the data presented here are probably incomplete. Although the appearance of hollows and cup-marks in connection with monuments seems to be a wide-spread phenomenon, it has to be stressed that many monuments are without them. I could find no hollows or cup-marks associated with the relief of the King's Gate at Bogazköy, in Eflatun Pinar, Gavurkale and the gate of Alaca Hüyük, on the statue at Fasillar, or on the bulls' base of the statue at Karatepe.

In my recent publication of the epigraphical evidence for the cult of the god Men, I made a couple of topographical equations on which further comment is necessary. One of these (Kula/Koloe) has been generally abandoned in recent scholarship, but I think that it is defensible, and would like to take this opportunity to defend it. The other (Ayazviran/Koresa), I would like to withdraw, in favour of proposing the possible equation Köres/Koresa.

Following an old tradition, based on the principle of survival of proper names, I stated that the present day town of Kula was called Koloe in antiquity. Koloe was a widespread place-name in Greco-Roman Lydia. The name is apparently of non-Greek origin, and whatever it may have meant, it seems to have been very much suited to place-names. Three places in Lydia are definitely known to have borne the name in antiquity: a lake, a polis, and a katoikia. At some Koloe in Lydia, Attalus I of Pergamum defeated Antiochus Hierax in 229/8 B.C.

The Hittite cylinder seal discussed here (Figs. 1–4) was purchased by Sir Max Mallowan in the 'thirties while he was working in northern Syria. In the division of his collections it was allotted to the Fitzwilliam Museum, in Cambridge, which received it in 1966. Extensive use has severely worn the engraved surface, and even the two large old chips have been smoothed over. Despite the loss of all details, such as facial features, each element of the composition can be recognized or restored. In the chipped area are fragments of the main figure, the Storm-god raising a mace and standing on the shoulders of two Mountain-gods. Before the Storm-god and facing him is the Sun-god, winged disk overhead, two kneeling animal-headed supporting figures below. The Storm-god is followed by a deity in walking position, over a bull. A many-branched tree, repeated in the impression, closes the three-part composition, and a cross with approximately equal arms occupies a place between the tree and the upraised mace. Simple incised lines mark the top and bottom edges of the engraved surface. There seems to be no form that can unquestionably be called a Hittite hieroglyph.

The reading of the Hieroglyphic signs had from the early days of decipherment been linked with that of other signs, in particular with , and with the two forms of the RELATIVE, an association based on similarity of appearance as well as the parallelism of the distinction by means of the double stroke at the base. The evaluation of as the “vowel series” i/ī/a/ā by Meriggi, and the recognition of the RELATIVE signs as such by Forrer, divided the way between these two groups. The phonetic reading of the relative remained long in doubt. An earlier reading as ia etc., based on a confusion with the “vowel signs” was rejected by Gelb, while Gelb's own reading of ki was discarded by Bossert, who on largely invalid grounds postulated a phonetic development kwa > hwa > wa. In spite of the dubious points in his argument, Bossert has generally been followed, at least in his reading hwa, especially since the identification of a number of Hieroglyphic verbs employing in their writing the signs REL/REL2 with corresponding cuneiform Luwian verbs written with a hu or ku(-wa). Most recently it has been argued that the relative belongs to the class of -i-stems with a presumed reading hwi-.

1. In the article which precedes Mr. Hawkins has proposed the readings NEG2 and NEG3 for the signs of Hieroglyphic Luwian and has argued that these logograms had the phonetic values na and ni respectively. These readings are supported by internal evidence and do not require any further justification, but it is necessary to see how plausible their consequences are from the linguistic point of view.

1.1. The discovery of two negative particles, a prohibitive ni and a factual na, is welcome. Hieroglyphic now joins Cun. Luwian (prohibitive nis, factual nawa), Lycian (prohibitive ni, nipe, factual ne, nepe) and Hittite (prohibitive lē, factual natta). It is not as yet absolutely certain that Palaic does not make any distinction between prohibitive and factual negatives: the particles ni and nit are relatively frequent, but it is not altogether clear whether they occur or not in prohibitions. On the other hand it is normally assumed that Lydian has generalized one negative (nid “not”, nik “and not”) for both types of sentence.

Of the Assyrian rock-reliefs in Turkey, only two long-known groups, those of the Cudi Dağ and Bırklin (“the Tigris Tunnel”) have been fully published. These groups are both accompanied by inscriptions and present no problems of dating. A further relief at Eğil has been known for some time but is somewhat inaccessible, to the extent that it is still unclear whether or not it is inscribed. It has been the subject of a recent study.

It is the purpose of the present article to make known some further Assyrian rock-reliefs, a single one from Cilicia, and a group from the Hatay. These reliefs were located by the author during surveys and travels, 1973–74. That these reliefs have remained undiscovered up to the present is a curious coincidence, and they may now take their place alongside those of the Cudi Dağ and Bırklin, as well as the rather few other reliefs discovered outside Assyria proper such as those of the Nahr el Kelb; we shall also see that they offer parallels to some of the native Assyrian reliefs such as those of the Maltai. In the absence of any identifying inscriptions the new reliefs present greater problems of dating.