A very large proportion of the statues that fill our museums are liable to be dismissed somewhat curtly in descriptions as belonging to the ‘School of Praxiteles.’ It would be interesting to know exactly what percentage of the total number of ancient statues which have come down to us is formed by the Aphrodites, Satyrs, Erotes, and others usually classed under this head, but it must certainly be a very large proportion.

Considering the very large number of statues which we treat in this way, it is startling to discover that our literary evidence contains no record at all of any such school ever having been in existence. We know of followers and pupils of Pheidias, of Polycleitus, and of Lysippus, but we hear of no followers or pupils of Praxiteles or of Scopas, in spite of the undoubted and obvious influence of their style upon the sculpture that now fills our museums. It is true that we know of two sons of Praxiteles, Cephisodotus and Timarchus, but the list of their works, though containing a Leto, an Aphrodite, and two statues of Artemis, includes a greater number of statues which we should be inclined to call un-Praxitelean in character.

Professor Frankfort's article Ishtar at Troy suggests a new explanation for the Trojan face-urns, and a pedigree which connects them with Mesopotamian or north-Syrian prototypes. The series he discusses includes the winged vessels and covers from Thermi. These are also referred to by Professor Mallowan in his account of the idols from Brak. Professor Mallowan's interpretation differs from Professor Frankfort's, and to a student of Anatolian prehistory may seem more convincing.

The yield of inscriptions from our two seasons' work at the Theatre would not have been extensive but for the fact that the marble facing-blocks of the East Parodos-wall proved to be almost covered with a series of texts, for a distance of some fifteen metres from its west end (adjoining the Orchestra). When we had finished excavating this wall, past the point where the inscriptions ended, we had before us an inscribed monument, second only, among monumental inscriptions of the Greek mainland, to the great Terrace-wall at Delphi. Our documents consist of lists of Magistrates, and the cursus honorum of individual Spartan officials, dating from the first half of the second century of our era. Twenty-eight separate documents are recorded on the wall as it stands, and other twenty-four are contained, in whole or part, on fallen blocks and fragments, some of the latter very small, which came to light in front of the wall, or a short distance away from it. In addition, three fragments of similar records, Nos. 1 E 25–27, were discovered close to the east end of the corresponding West Parodos-wall, which has had its marble facing-blocks almost all stripped away, and none of the inscriptions, which we may presume it bore, have survived in situ.

The three bases illustrated in the photographs (Plates 1 and 2) and in the drawings (Figs. 1–3) were all seen and studied by me on a visit to Bodrum undertaken in the summer of 1969. They have been known for some time as individual items, but have never been studied as a group. The base identified here as no. 1 is now located in the courtyard of the castle at Bodrum; nos. 2 and 3 are built into the walls of a house standing on the site of the former Byzantine church of Aghia Marina, in the district called Türkkuyusu outside the main town. Other fragments, relating perhaps to similar monuments, have been reported from the same area at various times, and it seems clear to me from my own investigations that there is a strong chance of the existence of further such bases, in whole or in part.

Early in August 1937 the fragments of a marble Kouros were conveyed in three packing-cases to the National Museum at Athens from Paris, where Greek police officials had received it from M. Roussos, an antique dealer who had been resident in that city for some time. It was subsequently confirmed that this statue had been smuggled out of Greece by sea a few years ago from Anavysos near Laurion, a district whose sparsely populated coast-line has been for years the scene of a systematic traffic in antiques.

Naxos, the largest of the Cycladic islands, offers a nuanced insight into Iron Age funerary behaviour in the Cyclades and relations between social groups as reflected in the archaeological record. The focus of this paper is the cemetery of Tsikalario in the hinterland of the island, with emphasis on two burial contexts which exhibit a range of activities related to funerary ceremonies and the consumption of grave-offerings. The grave-tumuli found in the Tsikalario cemetery comprise a mortuary ‘phenomenon’ not found otherwise on Naxos during the Early Iron Age. Such a differentiation in mortuary practice can be interpreted as a strategy used by the people of inland Naxos to distinguish their funerary habits from the more typical Naxian practices of, for example, the inhabitants of the coastal Naxos harbour town. This distinctive funerary practice can speak in favour of an attempt by the kinship group(s) that buried their deceased in the cemetery of Tsikalario to articulate status and identity. Beyond these tumuli, evidence from a different type of grave context at Tsikalario – Cist Grave 11 and its vicinity (Burial Context 11) – offers an additional example of a well-thought-out staging of funerary beliefs in the inland region of Naxos. Not only does it illustrate the coexistence of other types of burials in the cemetery, but, alongside the tumuli and their finds, it also demonstrates, through the symbolic package of the grave-offerings and the multifaceted network of interactions they reveal, that inland Naxos participated in the intra- and supra-island circulation of wares and ideas.

Even the sites of the Eretrian colonies Methone, Dicaea and Mende in the area of the Thermaic Gulf were unknown ten years ago. Topographical research and excavation reports by Greek scholars have now provided much information on which this article is based.

Finds of the topshells Monodonta turbinata (Born 1780) and M. articulata Lamarck 1822 are discussed. ‘Rings’ made of Monodonta shells were used as rings or pendants

The article concerns a helmet of Corinthian type, of the seventh century BC, very plain and without a crest or decoration but with small holes round the rim for stitching in a lining. It belonged for many years to Charterhouse, until that school recently sold its Museum's contents. Manchester Museum acquired it thanks to a most generous bequest from the estate of the late Professor Robert Cook. Here the helmet's dimensions and state are given; it had suffered damage particularly to the cheek-guards and the nose-guard (which is now a modern replica). Details of its design are examined, some confirming its date, others illustrating its strengths and weaknesses as a helmet. The historical significance of helmets of this plain design is briefly discussed. Finally it is suggested, on the grounds of the damage to its cheek-guards and nose-guard, that it ended its career as a victory thank-offering in a sanctuary, possibly Olympia where many helmets so damaged have been found.

In the summer of 2019, members of the CARTography Project set out to re-create the route that Patrick and Joan Leigh Fermor took during their first visit to the Deep Mani in 1951. The project involved meticulously analysing the couple's notebooks and photographs to glean details about where they had ventured, using least-cost analysis to model their potential routes and ground-truthing the results by walking and boating the routes ourselves. As in much of rural Greece, Mani's topography has changed substantially in the seven decades since the Leigh Fermors’ journey, with paved roads having replaced many of the Ottoman-era footpaths that locals once relied on for travel and transportation. While the transformed landscape we encountered prevented a complete re-enactment of the Leigh Fermors’ journey, it also offered an opportunity to embody key parts of their travelling experience. The results of our study are twofold: first, a detailed map of the route the Leigh Fermors followed based on our reading of their documentary sources; and second, an assessment of the utility of using least-cost analysis to model the routes of historical travellers.