In connection with the inscription from Geraki (No. 11) published above, and the parallel inscription from Mantinea, it seems worth while to discuss two obscure points. (1) The history ot Demetrius the Fair, the father of Antigonus Doson. (2) The worship of the earlier Diadochi.

This paper sets forth the chemical analysis of a number of copper objects from Greece of the Late Bronze and Early Iron ages. The majority of these objects were picked up by me during my wanderings, and so are not exactly stratified or datable, but nevertheless may be assigned with tolerable certainty within the limits described. The collection from the Argive Heraeum was found in the temple rubbish-heaps; the pieces of determinate form are paralleled from Geometric times, so it is highly probable that the whole of this deposit is of the same date.

These fragments of inscriptions were found on the Altar-hill at Praesos in the excavation of 1901 and 1904 (B.S.A. viii. 254–260; x. 115, 247). The two Eteocretan inscriptions and the terracottas and other minor finds were published forthwith. The stones now described are of some interest as indicating that the sanctuary on this hill—Dr. Halbherr's ‘Third Acropolis’— was the place where official records of treaties and other public documents were exhibited.

The birth and childhood of the Greek male gods and heroes are themes well documented in classical Athenian art and myth. By contrast, contemporary Athenian iconography and mythology are remarkably empty of references to the birth and infancy of the female heroes and female gods, or alternatively present the newborn goddesses as adult women. This article seeks to shed light on the apparently missing childhood phase of the goddesses and heroines, by examining the evidence of fifth-century Athenian iconography in its socio-historical context. Consequently, in the case of the goddesses, it is proposed that the female child figure represented a state of being incompatible with the nature and manifestation of divinity. It is further suggested that the mythological heroines enter classical Athenian art and myth only once they have attained puberty, because it is at this point that their potential for relations with the male gains significance. And just as was the case with their mortal female counterparts, it is this capacity for interaction with the male sex that makes them of interest to society.

Part 1 describes the Mycenaean weapons from Klauss (Antheia) in Achaea: a socketed spear head and a sword of Type II.

Part 2 describes Mycenaean objects from old, clandestine excavations now in the collection of the Ayia Lavra monastery, a jug of LH IIIB-C1 date, a stirrup-jar, either end of LH IIIA or LH IIIB, and a pair of bronze depilatory tweezers.

The principal results of the work of the first two seasons on the Acropolis were described in the Annual two years ago (xxvi. pp. 240–76), and it remains to complete the account for the two following years (1926–27). The task is fairly simple, since the main features of the stratification of the area which yielded finds of predominantly Hellenic date have been already described, and the results obtained from the other parts of the Acropolis which we explored are of much less interest and importance, and can be dismissed briefly. The Byzantine church on the eastern spur of the main summit must be reserved for a separate report.

My object in the following short study is to investigate the subject of honorary statues in Greek times.

Since Stenersen's treatise, written in 1877, I know of no published work dealing specially with this subject, which is interesting from the light it throws on Greek life and political action, and since that date excavation and the discovery of inscriptions have added considerably to the material available. His work is a valuable source for the literary evidence on the question, but his subject is portrait-statues, and he confines himself to those from Athens.

The Greeks used certain words for workmen's tools, apparently without any distinction as to whether they were employed by wood- or stone-carvers, stonemasons, metal-workers, jewellers, shoemakers, &c. It was sufficient for them that the words used described something that carved or chipped (σμίλη), something that bored (τρύπανον), something that hit (σφῦρα), or something that rounded off (τόρνος). There may, indeed, have been some distinction as regards the word κολαπτήρ, which is believed to have meant a stonemason's chisel (refs. in LSJ9 s.v.). But σμίλη seems to have been used also for a knife. For instance, σμίλης ὁλκοί is believed to mean ‘chiselled furrows cut into a wooden surface' (Aristophanes, Thesm. 779), as well as a sculptor's chisel (Anth. Pal. vii. 429), though perhaps too much reliance should not be placed on poetical usage. The word τρύπανον seems to have been originally applied to a bow-drill worked by a thong twisted round it, as in the Polyphemus story (Od. ix. 385), but later appears to have been used for any instrument that turned (τρέπειν). στάθμη was evidently a carpenter's rule (Od. v. 245, et al.), and κανών was also a rule used for making straight lines (Plato, Phil. 56b). σφῦρα was a mallet or hammer, whether smith's (Od. iii. 434, Hdt. i. 68), carpenter's, or mason's. These are the main tools used, we may presume, for the engraving of stone inscriptions. Of particular interest from the point of view of technique are the words apparently used for tools that rounded off, or perhaps carved circularly. In Homer men ‘rounded off the tomb’ (τορνώσαντο σῆμα) (Il. xxiii. 255), or a ship's hull (Od. v. 249). Compare another early allusion, in Herodotus' Scythian section (iv. 36): ‘they describe the ocean flowing round the earth which is made circular as if by a lathe’ (κυκλοτέρης ὡς ἀπὸ τόρνου).

In 1892 Tsountas in the course of exploration on the top of the ridge between the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’ and the Lion Gate found a painted circular cap of poros (o·61 m. in diameter), which from the cuttings in it clearly seems to have been connected with some form of installation for water (Plate 14, b). It bears an inscription which as restored refers to Perseus. This inscribed cap Tsountas says he found among later ruins, but he did not specify the exact position. In 1922 therefore we investigated the ruins of apparently Hellenistic date which lie directly to the south of the modern carriage road on the top of the ridge to the north of the ‘Tomb of Clytemnestra’. A long terrace wall of ashlar work in poros was found running in an east-west direction along the south side of the modern road. In front of it, against its north side, lie two cement-lined basins (Plate 14, a). When these were first found and partially examined in 1922 it was suggested that they might be part of a gymnasium of Hellenistic date. At the same time a trial trench XIa by side of the steps was dug down about 0·25 m. into the soft rock below. In 1939 further trials were made behind (to the south of) the western part of the main terrace wall. Trench VII, which was dug to rock, was part of this work. At the same time the curved wall was exposed and part of the ‘votive deposit’ was excavated. The pottery then found, which was lost in the Nauplia Museum during the war, was of the same character as that found in 1952 and described below. In 1952, as part of the programme of exploration on the top and sides of the ridge which runs westward from the Lion Gate, it was decided to clear these ruins completely and study and plan them afresh.

The Lekythos of Myrrhine (NM 4485) is described and dated to the last decade of the fifth century. It is a specially commissioned memorial, commemorating her religious office; she is demonstrated to have been the first priestess of Athena Nike. The gravestone to Myrrhine found near Zographo is also discussed. It is suggested that the Lethykos is either a public monument, or an attempt by her family to draw public attention to her, while the Zographo stone marked her actual burial place.

Excavations on this site in 1907 were confined to the western half of the sanctuary, and their results, with a general discussion of the Hieron, will be found in the Annual for last year. The present paper is a brief account of the much less productive excavation of the eastern half of the area in 1908. The main results were, firstly, to confirm the general conclusions drawn from the data provided by the western half; secondly, to establish the fact that the lower Geometric stratum extended over the whole width of the sanctuary with its central, or highest and thickest, point near the dividing line of the two years' work, and consequently near the wall suggested as part of a Geometric altar; thirdly, in regard to the second or classical settlement, to show that the centres of interest, the οἴκημα and the altar, were undoubtedly in the western half of the sanctuary, since objects of interest were found only in the south-western corner of the eastern half, although a similar system of embanking provided a pocket all along the south side.

In the summer of 1951 N. Dadoudis, while digging a deep trench to bury stones from a plot of land belonging to him on the east edge of Makritikhos village, about 250 metres north of the Palace of Minos, found a complete Minoan amphora (Plan, Fig. 5, no. 3). He reported this discovery to the Ephor of Antiquities for Crete, Dr. N. Platon, who invited Piet de Jong, then the School's Curator at Knossos, to examine the area. Excavation revealed a small room, against the east wall of which the amphora had evidently once stood. The room was cleared by Piet de Jong assisted later by Sinclair Hood. To judge from the character of the vases found in it, the room might have been used as a kitchen.

The ground on the edge of Makritikhos village here slopes steeply down through a series of terraces to the bed of the Kairatos stream about 40 metres to the east. The ‘Kitchen’ lay just below a high bank, forming the western boundary of the plot of ground, with the natural rock exposed at the north end and Minoan house walls showing in it to the south. There seems to have been a marked slope down towards the north as well as to the east here in Minoan times. The wall a–a (Fig. 2) at the north end of the original trench dug by Dadoudis, of squared limestone blocks measuring up to about half a metre in length and 0–35 thick, lay at a lower level than the Kitchen, although it appeared to be of the same period with it. A roughly constructed wall b–b south of a–a may have supported a terrace marking this change in ground level. The corner d–d of another, presumably contemporary, house built of squared limestone blocks was exposed in the south part of the original trench.

A fragment of Mycenaean pictorial pottery, unprovenanced and now in Florence, is published. It depicts, partly preserved, a man standing between two (chariot ?) horses. This is the so-called horse-leader motif, illustrated on only one or two other Mycenaean vases but well-known from late Geometric Argive and Attic vase painting.

It is suggested that the reappearance of the motif in the 8th cent. B.C. may be explained not as inspired by surviving Mycenaean models but as an independent creation.

On the north-west side of the great central cone of Mount Ossa a wide fissure runs right across the mountain from Mega Keserlì to Tságezi. On the south side of this fissure and at the base of the central cone lies the village of Spiliá, which is to be distinguished from another village of the same name near Laspochori at the eastern entrance to Tempe. To the north of the fissure rises a peak known as Pláka, which is the part of Ossa that directly overhangs Tempe. A little below the bare rocky summit of this peak, which rises to a height of at least 3,500 feet, and on its south side about an hour's walk from Spiliá, is a cave, which, though long known to the inhabitants of the district, has never before been visited by archaeologists.

In honour of Professor Alan Wace, who has spent some fifty fruitful years in Greco-Roman archæology, I dedicate this paper. During that epoch his efforts in this sphere have been widespread. He has unearthed many finds and various archæological data of the utmost importance in Greece, particularly at Mycenae, and in Egypt both in Alexandria and Hermopolis Magna. By his discoveries and contributions, which have been recognised as worthy of highest esteem, he has shed much interesting light on various aspects of life in the Graeco-Roman world. As an ex-colleague in the Faculty of Arts, Farouk I University, I have been in close touch with him during the last seven years and he has always shown himself to be an indispensable source of information and a scholar of wide learning.

Early in 1915 during a short journey in Macedonia I took the opportunity of exploring the site and neighbourhood of Olynthus (Fig. 1), because it is hoped that the British School at Athens will before long be able to begin excavations there. I spent two days in the territory of Olynthus examining sites at Hagios Mamas, Myriophyton and Molivopyrgos as well as the ruins at Pizla, Magazudia and Palaioportes, all near Polygyros, which are those of mediaeval or modern villages. Although somewhat impeded by a heavy fall of snow I had the satisfaction of seeing for myself the comparative warmth of the climate of Olynthus even in winter. All about the reputed site of Olynthus the snow soon melted, whereas to the west beyond the village of Portaria towards the Kara Burun promontory, the snow remained for several days. The biting north-west Vardar wind which freezes the western end of Chalkidike in winter is kept off from Olynthus by the range of hills behind Polygyros, some of which are over three thousand feet high. Along the coast from Hagios Mamas to Molivopyrgos the territory of Olynthus is warm, faces south and is fertile, producing oil, corn, wine and silk. The low ground towards the coast is covered with olive groves, while the hills to the north are clothed with oak woods which were undoubtedly finer in antiquity than they are to-day. In most of the houses in Polygyros the doors and floors are of oak instead of the usual pine. These circumstances, coupled with the good anchorage at Molivopyrgos (the ancient Mekyberna), make it easy to understand the wealth and commercial importance of Olynthus. In addition to its other advantages, from Polygyros there runs the best road northwards into the upper country. Iron is said to be found in the hills and to-day mines of chrome and magnesite are worked along the coast.

The small Ionic temple that once stood on the banks of the Ilissus has now all but disappeared. Converted into a Christian church during the Turkish occupation, it was completely dismantled in 1778 to provide material for the new fortification walls of Athens. Fortunately, before its final destruction the temple was visited by the English travellers J. Stuart and N. Revett and its appearance, plan (Fig. 1), and dimensions have been preserved by their careful drawings.

Scholars were immediately reminded of these drawings when, in 1834, the remains of the Temple of Nike on the Acropolis were discovered (Fig. 2). The close relationship between the two temples and the likelihood that both were the products of the same architect, Callicrates, have since then been generally acknowledged, and a detailed study of the points of similarity has been made more recently by I. M. Shear.

What was the nature of the revolution in the manner of laying out a new town associated with the name of Hippodamos of Miletus? Aristotle suggests that it was simply a matter of regularity. The old way was to build irregularly, the new way to build regularly after the manner invented by Hippodamos. If this is true, how came it that the regular manner was adopted, presumably, in the first half of the fifth century? What movement of ideas brought it into favour? To what special circumstances did it constitute a response? Why had it not developed earlier as an obvious consequence, for instance, of the founding of new cities in the great age of Greek colonisation? And if the new colonial cities of the eighth, seventh and sixth centuries were not planned in a regular fashion, how were they planned?

Our knowledge of Damophon of Messene is primarily derived from the fragments of the great group made by him for the temple of Despoina at Lycosura, and discovered there by M. Cavvadias during the excavations undertaken in the summer of 1889. The best known fragments are the three heads and the piece of embroidered drapery in the National Museum at Athens, but a great number of smaller pieces exist in the magazines at Athens and in the museum recently erected at Lycosura.

From Pausanias we learn that Damophon erected many statues in Messene and in the sanctuary of the Great Goddesses at Megalopolis; that he worked at Aigion and Lycosura; and that he was entrusted with the repairs of the Zeus of Pheidias at Olympia. There is no mention of Damophon in other classical writers.

The number of fresh inscriptions found in 1909 compares unfavourably with those of 1906 and 1908. This is hardly surprising, for the sanctuary of Orthia, which had previously yielded about one hundred different inscriptions, was known to be almost worked out as far as this class of finds was concerned, and in fact only four new texts were discovered here as the results of this year's excavations. In addition to this, the examination of the foundations of the late-Roman walls, which had yielded a plentiful crop of inscribed marbles in the three previous campaigns, was practically finished as regards the southern side, which, as being nearest to the Agora, was more likely to reward our search than the other sides. It seemed advisable, however, to continue the exploration of these walls on the eastern and northern faces, and this work was not fruitless, for, somewhat contrary to expectation, a large number of inscribed statue-bases of the Imperial age were found within a small area along the northern side of the walls.