During the archaeological survey research project ‘Island Cultures in a Diachronic Perspective: the case of Therasia’, large amounts of pottery were recorded throughout the island of Therasia, ranging in date from the Bronze Age to modern times. Focusing on the prehistoric period, pottery of the Early Cycladic and late Middle Cycladic periods was recovered at Panaghia Koimisis, which is situated on the southern part of the island. This paper presents the petrographic data and results of the analysis carried out on pottery samples which are representative of variable surface treatments and different macro-fabrics of these two prehistoric periods. Tackling issues of provenance and technology, the current scientific analysis attests the coexistence of Theran and off-Theran pottery fabrics already at Panaghia Koimisis in the Early Cycladic period. The majority of the pottery fabrics at Panaghia Koimisis were identified as Theran and the analysis demonstrates intensive contacts between the southern parts of Thera and Therasia throughout the Early and late Middle Cycladic phases. Moreover, adding support to previous studies, this research indicates a wide Cycladic pottery network, in which the site participated as a consumer. During the late Middle Cycladic period major changes in the Theran production are documented, including the disappearance of the earlier pottery recipe, which had been prevalent at Panaghia Koimisis.

This contribution focuses on a study of the pottery assemblage deposited in the space occupied by the House of the Fallen Blocks and the House of the Sacrificed Oxen at the south-eastern corner of the Palace of Knossos. This deposit was crucial for Arthur Evans’ definition of the ‘Great Earthquake’ destruction at Knossos, because, together with fallen blocks, it was considered to be the consequence of a massive destruction. From the outset, the deposit associated with this event has played a de facto role in the definition of the New Palace era, and, in this respect, it is very important with regards to the history of the Palace of Knossos. There is no sign of stratification above the floor levels of the houses, with the material of the deposit usually interpreted as a post-destruction fill. The abundance of ceramic material and the broad representation of forms prompted Evans to call this deposit a storehouse of Middle Minoan (MM) III domestic pottery. Here, the nature of the deposit will be examined, taking into consideration information from the excavation notebooks and a detailed study of the retained pottery. The main conclusion is that the material is not MM IIIB as ascribed by Evans, but can be dated to an earlier part of the period, i.e. MM IIIA. This is significant because it might contribute to a critical reassessment of the destruction horizon generally attributed to MM IIIB. The large quantities of pottery from these houses also provide a fuller picture of what types and styles were prevalent in MM IIIA, given that there are not many published deposits of this date from the palace or town of Knossos.

Since the 1960s, when the existence of tinned ceramic vessels in the Late Bronze Age Aegean was first recognised, our knowledge of this phenomenon and the catalogue of known examples have expanded significantly. Even before the nature of these objects was fully understood, scholars had suggested that their primary purpose was to imitate metal, particularly silver, vessels. Several silver vessel assemblages, including one from the tholos at Kokla, have been singled out for their perceived special relationship with tinned ceramics. However, closer analysis of tinned vessels has suggested that they were less similar to silver vessels than previously thought, especially in terms of their range of forms, details of shape and even colour. Recent scholarship has also emphasised that the concept of imitation is very complex and its investigation requires a more nuanced approach. Yet references to tinned vessels as straightforward imitations of, or even substitutes for, silver vessels remain common. In 2014, an opportunity arose to examine the Kokla silver vessels in greater detail. A strong connection between the Kokla group and tinned vessels is evident, although this does not mean that the latter depended upon assemblages such as the former for inspiration. The unique features of the Kokla group suggest it may have been a local innovation to emulate the usage of tinned vessels while simultaneously stressing the higher social status of its users. This paper concludes that situating tinned vessels within the ceramic tradition and thus regarding them as an enhanced form of ceramic, rather than an inferior form of metal vessel, better explains the nature of this phenomenon.

The Late Helladic IIB–IIIA1 tholos in the Kokla necropolis is a particularly important and intriguing tomb that can provide us with interesting insights into the wider social landscape of the Argolid just prior to the emergence of the Mycenaean palaces. Architecturally, the tomb itself is a unique mix of features derived from tholoi and chamber tombs; its entrance is adorned with what must be one of the earliest-surviving Mycenaean frescoes. This tholos tomb had not been looted, a rare phenomenon for such tombs, and the precious finds, that is to say the gold, silver and ivory objects, are presented here in detail. These artworks include both Minoan and Mycenaean influences. The group of metal vessels is significant as it is one of the largest assemblages of metalware found from the post-Shaft Grave period on the Mycenaean Greek mainland. It appears that some of these objects were used for funerary ritual activity in conjunction with the bench in the tholos, whereas other objects seem to have been part of an assemblage of grave-goods. As no human remains were discovered, it is difficult to piece together the sequence of use for the tomb. Nevertheless, the publication of this material from the Kokla tholos is an important contribution to our knowledge of the Argolid during this period.

Naxos, the largest of the Cycladic islands, offers a nuanced insight into Iron Age funerary behaviour in the Cyclades and relations between social groups as reflected in the archaeological record. The focus of this paper is the cemetery of Tsikalario in the hinterland of the island, with emphasis on two burial contexts which exhibit a range of activities related to funerary ceremonies and the consumption of grave-offerings. The grave-tumuli found in the Tsikalario cemetery comprise a mortuary ‘phenomenon’ not found otherwise on Naxos during the Early Iron Age. Such a differentiation in mortuary practice can be interpreted as a strategy used by the people of inland Naxos to distinguish their funerary habits from the more typical Naxian practices of, for example, the inhabitants of the coastal Naxos harbour town. This distinctive funerary practice can speak in favour of an attempt by the kinship group(s) that buried their deceased in the cemetery of Tsikalario to articulate status and identity. Beyond these tumuli, evidence from a different type of grave context at Tsikalario – Cist Grave 11 and its vicinity (Burial Context 11) – offers an additional example of a well-thought-out staging of funerary beliefs in the inland region of Naxos. Not only does it illustrate the coexistence of other types of burials in the cemetery, but, alongside the tumuli and their finds, it also demonstrates, through the symbolic package of the grave-offerings and the multifaceted network of interactions they reveal, that inland Naxos participated in the intra- and supra-island circulation of wares and ideas.

In 1987 an Archaic Argive-type shield and shield-band were discovered in the sanctuary on the acropolis of Oisyme. Such shields are found in the cemeteries of the northern Aegean, including those at Sindos and Archontiko. However, the Oisyme shield is as yet the only one to come from a sanctuary – a fact due, at least in part, to the limited exploration of early sanctuaries on the coast of Aegean Thrace. It is also the earliest known example of its type in the north-eastern Aegean. Considered alongside earlier literary evidence, such as Archilochus 5W, it helps to trace the introduction and development of the hoplite panoply in Thasos and its peraea. The shield and shield-band can be dated to c.575–550 bce on the basis of their repoussé decoration. The dies employed may have been imported from Peloponnesian (Argive or Corinthian) workshops or produced locally. They show stylistic influence from the contemporary Peloponnese, yet they have no known exact parallels. Metalworkers from the polis of Thasos and its peraea are likely to have imitated the products of southern workshops in much the same way that Thasian potters based their own early production on Cycladic, Chian and other wares. The deity worshipped in the Oisyme sanctuary was an ergane and/or a kourotrophic goddess, such as Artemis and Athena at nearby Thasos or the ‘Parthenos’ at neighbouring Neapolis. It is unlikely that rites of passage for hoplites were a central feature of the cult, since we lack the extensive corpus of weaponry (miniature and/or functional) typical in such cases. The limited number of weapons recovered from the sanctuary fits the established model for female poliad deities in smaller poleis. The shield was probably a personal gift, dedicated either by a retiring hoplite or as a thank offering after a military victory.

The iconography and composition of the Arcesilas Cup are widely acknowledged to have been modelled on weighing scenes found in Egyptian funerary art. However, less attention has been given to how the Arcesilas Painter came to experiment with a composition found in Egyptian funerary art, and why he would want to do so. This paper revises previous studies of the Arcesilas Cup's subject and its similarities to Egyptian illustrations of the weighing of the heart spell. Next, it explores how exchange and consumption in the sixth-century Mediterranean can be used to make sense of the cup's unique subject. Finally, it proposes contexts for the transmission of designs between Egyptian and Laconian artists.

Much of what we know about ancient Sparta is based upon inscriptions. Extant inscribed objects are often left idle in storerooms, treated summarily, with modern scholars reliant upon dated epigraphical publications which focus mainly only on the texts of the inscriptions. However, the study of objects bearing inscribed texts together with their inscriptions can yield information that challenges what we suppose we know about ancient Sparta.

This article analyses a Late Archaic inscribed stele from Sparta, bearing a dedication to Karneios by Aiglatas for his athletic victories. The stele has been used as evidence for two scholarly claims: that athletic competitions were performed at the Karneia festival, and that Apollo Karneios was represented with ram's horns.

Adopting a holistic approach and a comparative methodology, the present study shows that these two modern claims are without foundation. By means of autopsy and comparative analysis, this work proposes a new reading of the inscription and a novel interpretation of Aiglatas’ dedication in its cultural context. In addition, this study does not confirm the existence of gymnastic contests at the Karneia, as claimed by earlier scholars; it argues instead that a torch race may have taken place before sacrifices at the festival. Finally, it is argued that there is no evidence that Apollo Karneios was represented with the ram's horns, which opens up new possibilities for understanding the deity and his religious value within Spartan society.

This article examines how religion contributed to the interconnectivity of the large geographical region of Laconia which was under Spartan control for most of the Archaic and Classical periods. With a particular focus on two Laconian sanctuaries, that of Apollo Maleatas and that of Apollo Tyritas, located in the area of the Thyreatis/Kynouria, which had traditionally been a disputed region between Sparta and Argos, it considers how sanctuaries played a part in Spartan–perioikic relations. The votives from the two sanctuaries vary: the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas is rich in weapon dedications, while that of Apollo Tyritas has a diverse array of offerings, including bronzes, pottery and weapons. I argue that the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas served as a central gathering place that united the Lakedaimonians, both Spartans and perioikoi, and where they celebrated the military qualities of Apollo. The sanctuary of Apollo Tyritas may reflect Spartan interests in the disputed region from the late seventh/early sixth century, and it too presents evidence for the military preoccupations affecting the area. The warrior-god Apollo, prominently worshipped in Sparta and Laconia, was appropriately offered offensive weapons of spears and arrowheads, both real size and miniature. The Spartans and perioikoi celebrated the Maleateia festival, at the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas, which presented an opportunity for Spartans and perioikoi to gather together. A Laconian sacred landscape was formed through the celebration of common cults and festivals, thus uniting the centre (Sparta) with the Laconian (and Messenian) countryside.

This article makes use of recently published graves to offer the first synthetic analysis of the typology and topography of Spartan burials that is founded on archaeological evidence. Our knowledge of Spartan burial practices has long been based almost entirely on textual sources – excavations conducted in Sparta between 1906 and 1994 uncovered fewer than 20 pre-Roman graves. The absence of pre-Roman cemeteries led scholars to conclude that, as long as the Lycurgan customs were in effect, all burials in Sparta were intracommunal and that few tombs had been found because they had been destroyed by later building activity. Burial practices have, as a result, been seen as one of many ways in which Sparta was an outlier. The aforementioned recently published graves offer a different picture of Spartan burial practices. It is now clear that there was at least one extracommunal cemetery in the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. What would normally be described as extramural burials did, therefore, take place, but intracommunal burials of adults continued to be made in Sparta throughout the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. Those burials were concentrated along important roads and on the slopes of hills. The emergent understanding of Spartan burial practices takes on added significance when placed in a wider context. Burial practices in Sparta align closely with those found in Argos and Corinth. Indeed, burial practices in Sparta, rather than being exceptional, are notably similar to those of its most important Peloponnesian neighbours; a key issue is that in all three poleis intracommunal burials continued to take place through the Hellenistic period. The finding that adults were buried both extracommunally and intracommunally in Sparta, Argos and Corinth after the Geometric period calls into question the standard narrative of the development of Greek burial practices in the post-Mycenaean period.

This article argues that, by concentrating on a reading of the depictions of deities on the Athenian document reliefs as symbolic representations of states rather than as divinities, previous scholarly approaches to them have failed to explore the role they ascribe to the gods in collective decision-making and the exercise of public authority. This article resituates the interpretation of these monuments in the context of other monuments depicting the gods and recent approaches to them, and the other ways in which public inscriptions, both at Athens and elsewhere, make reference to divine actors, through their erection in sacred spaces and the use of the theoi heading. It then examines the range of possible readings of the relationship between divine agency and political decision-making which these monuments privilege and argues that they reflect a conventional understanding that, in general, Athenian decision-making was underpinned by the gods.

This paper examines the ancient written, numismatic and archaeological sources that pertain to the political history of Olbia Pontike in the fifth and early fourth century bc. Several Olbian inscriptions that mention a certain Heuresibios son of Syriskos have been connected with a possible episode of tyranny that may have taken place in the city of Olbia. Most of the inscriptions are in a poor state of preservation and their interpretation has often been based on uncertain reconstructions of the texts; therefore, a re-examination of these inscriptions is provided alongside an analysis of other evidence that provides a broader historical background to the political situation in Olbia during that time. Olbia's status in the Delian League and the Athenian political and cultural influence on Olbia are examined. It is argued that the introduction of a political cult of Zeus Eleutherios was a reaction to a political change in Olbia that resulted in the establishment of democracy. Lastly, the economic and political relationship of the Achaemenid Empire with the North Pontic region, especially in relation to local coinage, is discussed, which allows for a synthesis of the material gathered.