Hostname: page-component-78c5997874-j824f Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-11T07:50:07.578Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

A Positive Doctrine of Tyranny? The Rule of Law Vs. The Rule of a Tyrant in Archaic and Classical Greece

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2022

Christopher J. Joyce*
Affiliation:
The Haberdashers’ Boys’ School

Abstract

The origins and definition of tyranny in ancient Greece have been debated in scholarship for well over three quarters of a century. Recently, it has been argued that tyranny as a political idea was not anathematised until late and that in the fifth century BCE and before, tyranny comported no negative judgment. While correct to point out that the distinction between ‘king’ and ‘tyrant’ in literature predating Aristotle was not clearly delineated, scholars have often failed to ask the more fundamental question of why that distinction was essential for Aristotle. This essay argues that Aristotle drew upon a much older intellectual tradition which saw tyranny as hateful and contrary to the rule of law. Though tyrants in many cases ruled lawfully, a distinction must be drawn between ‘lawful’ rule, which some but not all tyrants practised, and the rule of law, which anathematised tyranny.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2022. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Australasian Society for Classical Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Allen, D. (2000), The World of Prometheus: The Politics of Punishing in Democratic Athens. Princeton.Google Scholar
Anderson, G. (2005), ‘Before Turannoi Were Tyrants: Rethinking a Chapter of Early Greek History’, CA 24, 173222.Google Scholar
Andrewes, A. (1956), The Greek Tyrants. Oxford.Google Scholar
Antonaccio, C. M. (1995), An Archaeology of Ancestors. Tomb Cult and Hero Cult in Early Greece. Lanham, MD, and London.Google Scholar
Atack, C. (2019), The Discourse of Kingship in Classical Greece. London and New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Balot, R. K. (2006), Greek Political Thought. Malden, MA, and Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barceló, P. (1993), Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis: Untersuchungen zu Entwicklung und Beurteilung von Alleinherrschaft im vorhellenistischen Griechenland. Stuttgart.Google Scholar
Bérard, C. (1972), ‘Le sceptre du prince’, MH 29, 219–27.Google Scholar
Bérard, C. (1982), ‘Récupérer la mort du prince: héroïsation et formation de la cité,’ in Gnoli, G. and Vernant, J.-P. (eds.), La Mort, les morts dans la sociétés anciennes. Cambridge and Paris, 89105.Google Scholar
Berve, H. (1967), Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen. Munich.Google Scholar
Bicknell, P. J. (1982), ‘Herodotos 5.68 and the Racial Policy of Kleisthenes of Sicyon’, GRBS 23, 193201.Google Scholar
Bingham, T. (2010), The Rule of Law. Oxford.Google Scholar
Bornitz, H. F. (1968), Herodot-Studien: Beiträge zum Verständnis der Einheit des Geschichtwerk. Berlin.Google Scholar
Bourriot, F. (1976), Recherches sur la nature du génos. Paris.Google Scholar
Canevaro, M. and Harris, E. M. (2012), ‘The Documents in Andocides’ On the Mysteries’, CQ 62, 98129.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Carlier, P. (1984), La Royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre. Strasbourg.Google Scholar
Carty, A. (2015), Polycrates, Tyrant of Samos: New Light on Archaic Greece. Stuttgart.Google Scholar
Cawkwell, G. (1995), ‘Early Greek Tyranny and the People,’ CQ 45, 7386.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Christ, M. R. (1998), The Litigious Athenian. Baltimore and London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Crielaard, J. P. (2006), ‘Basileis at Sea: Elites and External Contacts in the Euboean Gulf Region from the End of the Bronze to the Beginning of the Iron Age,’ in Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), 271–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Deger-Jalkotzy, S. (1991), ‘Diskontinuität und Kontinuität: Aspekte politischer und sozialer Organisation in mykenischer Zeit und in der Welt der homerischen Epen,’ in Musti, A., et al. (eds.), La transizione dal miceneo all’ alto arcaismo. Dal palazzo alla città. Rome, 5366.Google Scholar
Deger-Jalkotzy, S. (2006), ‘Late Mycenean Warrior Tombs,’ in Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), 151–79.Google Scholar
Deger-Jalkotzy, S. and Lemos, I. S. (eds.) (2006), Ancient Greece: From Mycenaean Palaces to the Age of Homer. Edinburgh.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Diesner, H.-J. (1959), ‘Peisistratidenexkurs und Peisistratidenbild bei Thukydides,’ Historia 8, 1222.Google Scholar
Drews, R. (1972), ‘The First Tyrants in Greece,’ Historia 21, 129–44.Google Scholar
Drumann, W. K. A. (1812), De Tyrannis Graecorum. Halis.Google Scholar
Duncan, A. (2012), ‘A Theseus outside Athens: Dionysius I of Syracuse and Tragic Self-Presentation,’ in Bosher, K. (ed.), Theater Outside Athens: Drama in Greek Sicily and South Italy. New York, 137–55.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Eder, B. (2006) ‘The World of Telemachus: Western Greece 1200–700 BC,’ in Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), 549–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Edmonds, J. M. (1931), Elegy and Iambus. Cambridge, Mass., and London.Google Scholar
Ferrill, A. (1978), ‘Herodotus on Tyranny,’ Historia 27, 385–98.Google Scholar
Fitzsimons, S. (2017), The Leadership Styles of the Persian Kings in Herodotus’ Histories. PhD thesis. University of Manchester.Google Scholar
Frost, F. J. (1984), ‘The Athenian military before Cleisthenes,’ Historia 33, 283–94.Google Scholar
Gagarin, M. (1981), ‘The Thesmothetai and the Earliest Athenian Tyranny Law,’ TAPA 111, 71–7.Google Scholar
Gallia, A. (2004), ‘The Republication of Draco's Law on Homicide,’ CQ 54, 451–60.Google Scholar
Hall, E. M. (1989), Inventing the Barbarian: Greek Self-Definition through Tragedy. Oxford.Google Scholar
Hall, E. M. (1993), ‘Asia Unmanned: Images of Victory in Classical Athens,’ in Rich, J. and Shipley, G. (eds.), War and Society in the Greek World. London and New York, 108–33.Google Scholar
Harris, E. M. (1992), ‘Pericles’ Praise of Athenian Democracy: Thucydides 2.37.1,’ HSPC 94, 157–67.Google Scholar
Harris, E. M. (2006), Democracy and the Rule of Law in Classical Athens: Essays on Law, Society, and Politics. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harris, E. M. (2013), The Rule of Law in Action in Democratic Athens. Oxford.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Harris, E. M. (2013/14), ‘The Authenticity of the Document at Andocides On the Mysteries 96–98,’ Tekmeria, 12, 121–53.Google Scholar
Hurwitt, J. M. (1985), The Art and Culture of Early Greece, 1100–480 BC. Ithaca and London.Google Scholar
Jebb, R. (1891), Sophocles. The Antigone of Sophocles. Cambridge.Google Scholar
Joyce, C. J. (2021/2), ‘The Solonian Amnesty Law (Plu. Sol. 19.3–4) and the Athenian Law on Homicide,CJ 117, 125–50.Google Scholar
Joyce, C. J. (2022), Amnesty and Reconciliation in Late Fifth-Century Athens: The Rule of Law under Restored Democracy. Edinburgh.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kagstetter, K. D. (2013), Solon of Athens: The Man, the Myth, the Tyrant? PhD thesis. University of Pennsylvania.Google Scholar
Kallet, L. (2003), ‘Demos Tyrannos: Wealth, Power and Economic Patronage,’ in Morgan, K., K. (ed.), Popular Tyranny: Sovereignty and its Discontents in Ancient Greece. Austin, 117–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kennell, N. and Luraghi, N. (2009), ‘Laconia and Messenia,’ in Raaflaub and van Wees (2009), 239–54.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Koerner, R. (1993), Inschriftliche Gesetztexte der frühen griechischen Polis. Cologne.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lanni, A. (2016), Law and Order in the Courts of Classical Athens. Cambridge.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lavelle, B. (2005), Fame, Money and Power: The Rise of Peisistratos and ‘Democratic’ Tyranny at Athens. Ann Arbor.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Lewis, S. (2009), Greek Tyranny. Exeter.Google Scholar
Luraghi, N. (1994), Tyrannidi arcaiche in Sicilia e Magna Grecia. Da Panezio di Leontini alla caduto dei Dinomenidi. Florence.Google Scholar
Maran, J. (2006), ‘Coming to Terms with the Past: Ideology and Power in Late Helladic IIIC,’ in Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), 123–50.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mazarakis Ainian, A. (1997), From Rulers’ Dwellings to Temples: Architecture, Religion and Society in Early Iron Age Greece (1100–700 BC). Jonsered.Google Scholar
Meritt, B. D. (1952), ‘Greek inscriptions,’ Hesperia 21, 340–80.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Mirhady, D. (2000), ‘The Athenian Rationale for Torture,’ in Hunter, V. and Edmondson, J. (eds.) Law and Social Status in Classical Athens. Oxford, 5374.Google Scholar
Mitchell, L. G. (2013), The Heroic Rulers of Archaic and Classical Greece. London.Google Scholar
Mitchell, L. G. (2019), ‘Political Thinking on Kingship in Democratic Athens,’ Polis 36, 442–65.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Morgan, C. (2009) ‘The Early Iron Age,’ in Raaflaub and van Wees (2009), 4663.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Osborne, R. (2004), Greek History. London and New York.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Osborne, R. (2009), Greece in the Making 1200–478 BC. London.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ostwald, M. (1955), ‘The Athenian Legislation against Tyranny and Subversion,’ TAPA 86, 103–28.Google Scholar
Parker, V. (1996), ‘Vom König zum Tyrannen: Eine Betrachtung zur Entstehung der alteren griechischen Tyrannis,’ Tyche 11, 165–86.Google Scholar
Pleket, H. W. (1969), ‘The Archaic Tyrannis,’ Talanta 1, 1961.Google Scholar
Pritchard, D. M. (2010), ‘The Symbiosis between Democracy and War: The Case of Ancient Athens’, in Pritchard, D. M. (ed.), War, Democracy and Culture in Classical Athens. Cambridge, 162.Google Scholar
Psoma, S. E. (2012), ‘Innovation or Tradition? Succession to the Kingship in Temenid Macedonia,’ Tekmeria 11, 7387.Google Scholar
Raaflaub, K. A. (1989), ‘Contemporary Perceptions of Democracy in Fifth-Century Athens,’ C&M 40, 3370.Google Scholar
Raaflaub, K. A. (1996), ‘Equalities and Inequalities in Athenian Democracy,’ in Ober, J. and Hedrick, C. (eds.), Demokratia: A Conversation on Democracies, Ancient and Modern. Princeton, 139–74.Google Scholar
Raaflaub, K. A. (2003), ‘Stick and Glue: The Function of Tyranny in Fifth-Century Athenian Democracy,’ in Morgan (2003), 5993.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Raaflaub, K. A. (2004), The Discovery of Freedom in Ancient Greece. Chicago.Google Scholar
Raaflaub, K. A. and Wees, H. van (eds.) (2009), A Companion to Archaic Greece. Chichester and Malden.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Rhodes, P. J. (1988), Thucydides History II Edited with Translation and Commentary. Warminster.Google Scholar
Rhodes, P. J. (2019), ‘Tyranny in Greece in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries BC,’ Polis 36, 419–41.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Salmon, J. B. (1984), Wealthy Corinth. Oxford.Google Scholar
Sancisi-Weerdenberg, H. (2000), ‘The Tyranny of Peisistratus’, in Sancisi-Weerdenberg, H. (ed.), Peisistratus and the Tyranny: A Reappraisal of the Evidence. Amsterdam, 115.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Seager, R. (1967), ‘Alcibiades and the Charge of Aiming at Tyranny,’ Historia 16, 618.Google Scholar
Shear, J. L. (2007), ‘The Oath of Demophantus and the Politics of Athenian Identity’, in Sommerstein, A. H. and Fletcher, J. (eds.), Horkos: The Oath in Greek Society. Exeter, 148–60.Google Scholar
Shear, J. L. (2012), ‘Religion and the Polis: The Cult of the Tyrannicides at Athens’, Kernos 25, 2755.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stahl, M. (1987), Aristokraten und Tyrannen in archaischen Athen: Untersuchungen zur Überlieferung zur Sozialstruktur und zur Entstehung des Staates. Stuttgart.Google Scholar
Sommerstein, A. H. (2014), ‘The Authenticity of the Demophantus Decree,’ CQ 64, 4957.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Stein-Hölkeskamp, E. (1996), Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft. Stuttgart.Google Scholar
Taylor, J. R. F. (2016), Ancient Greek Tyranny: A New Phenomenon or New Name for an Old Phenomenon? PhD thesis. Durham University.Google Scholar
Storr, F. (1912), Sophocles. Vol 1: Oedipus the King. Oedipus at Colonus. Antigone. London and New York.Google Scholar
Thür, G. (1977), Beweisführung vor den Schwurgerichtshöfen Athens. Die Proklesis zur Basanos. Vienna.Google Scholar
Wilson, P. (2009), ‘Tragic Honours and Democracy: Neglected Evidence for the Politics of the Dionysia,’ CQ 59, 829.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Wright, J. C. (2006) ‘The Formation of the Mycenean Palace,’ in Deger-Jalkotzy and Lemos (2006), 752.Google Scholar