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The historical notes of Liqä-Ṭäbbäbt Abbä Yeräfu

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 December 2009

Bairu Tafla
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The elders of North-East Africa have long been renowned for their powers of memory on which their compatriots relied for genealogical lineages, rights of ownership, Procedures of law, marrige customs and the like. Literate of otherwise, they all for the most part imparted their accumulated knowledge by word of mouth. Unlike the griots of West Africa, however, quite a few made use of written documents, at least in the form of notes. These documents are different from and independent of the royal and ecclesiastical records which are well known to scholars. These are private papers intended for personal use and as such contain valuable, Uncensored, historical information. I realized how ubiquitous the practice was during my research travels in the various regions of the Ethiopian Empire during the years 1965–75. Whenever such an informant failed to recall a particular name, date of fact during an interview, of doubted the accuracy of the sequence of his narrative, he would quickly pull out his mnemonic aid from a box under his bed or would call for a family member to hand him the desired item. The mnemonic aid often consisted of scribbled scraps of paper, letters, Photographs, invitation cards to weddings of com memorative feasts. Some possessed thin school notebooks comprising sketches in Amareña, Tegreña of Arabic, sufficient to prompt the memory to produce a fluent narrative. The contents of such a notebook, and indeed a typical one of its kind, consitute the boby of the present article.

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Articles
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Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies , Volume 50 , Issue 2 , June 1987 , pp. 267 - 300
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Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1987

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References

1 The system is by no means a recent development, though it is hard to say how far back it goes. It is a continuation of the centuries-old practice of jotting down particular facts on the collophons of parchment manuscripts. The sketchy royal chronicle published by R. Basset in 1882 was perhaps a prechment for the separate notebooks, some of which began to appear by the second half of the nineteenth century, their number increasing by leaps bounds in the twentieth century. Cf. J., Kolmodin, Traditions de Tsazzega et Hazzega: Textes Tigrigna (Rome 1912) 264;Google ScholarGärima, Taffärä, Abba-Tatäq Kasa, Yäqwara Anbäsa (Addis-Abäba, 1961 A.M.) 88;Google ScholarBairu, Tafla, A chronicle of Emperor Yohannes IV, 1872–89 (Wiesbaden, 1977) 33 n. 13;Google ScholarHeywät, Hedaru, Yachi Qän Tärässach: Kätemhert-Bét Wada Qwänsela Sera, 1925–33 (Addis-Abäba, 1967 A.M.) PP. iv–x. See also the historical notes of azmach Gäbrä-Mika'él Germu in the collection of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies, Addis-Abäba, MS Nos. 325and326.Google Scholar

2 A few owned thick cash-books containing historical, autobiograophic, Poetic, and miscel-laneous notes. Käntiba Dästa Meteke, one of the first Ethiopian journalists, had kept eighteen such records.

3 Because of the lack of a photocopying machine in the town, I had to reproduce the text in two ways; first, an assistant took down the text in its entirety by hand. Then, a cassette recording of the whole text was made from the original manuscript. Comparison has shown no significant discrepancy between the two versions. It may not, howeverm, be fair to hold the author responsible for orthographic inaccuracies and I have, in consequencen, refrained from commenting on the particulars of this aspect, The late Dr. Richard Caulk had xeroxed the original a few years later, but his copy was not available for further comparison in the process of this edition.

4 The years 1847, 1848, 1863, 1865, 1877, 1900, 1910, 1919, and 1935 are not accompanied by the relevant evangelists. Insofar as the preceding and subsequent years are supplied with evangelists, whose sequence is constant, the omissions were presumably caused by negligence rather than by lack of knowledge on the part of the author. 1870 and 1881 are entered twice with different facts, first in the wrong sequence and a second time in the correct chronological order. ‘1925’ is noted without a factual entry.

5 Almost all Ethiopian chroniclers have persistently coupled an evangelist with a given year, but the purpose is rather obscure. The names of the four evengelists are used in the traditional Ethiopian calendar-reckoning to mark four consecutive years, thus forming an ever-recurring short cycle which also served as the lowest common multiple for a few of the higher cycles. If the chroniclers employed the system in this sense, then its historical role is minimal in that it was merely confirmatory in the writer's opinion to the accuracy of the given date. It is doubtful whether it was meant for calculation purposes which the chroniclers scarcely applied. They noted the evengelists even for the coronations which they themselves attended. Perhaps an explanation should be sought in the deeply-rooted tradition of associative interpretation of history. The evangelists (who are represented in the likeness of a human being, a lion, an ox and an eagle respectively) have been associated with natural forces. Matthew and Mark have been associated with fruitfulness and abundance; hence, the dictum; ‘Bämatéwos eräs; bämareqos efäs’=‘Cultivate in [the year of] Matthew; harvest in [the year of] Mark.’ Luke is identified with drought and epidemic, and John with war, hail, flood, and thunderstorm.

6 The date pertaining to the foundation of Feché cannot of course be included under this explanatio. It is an error due to ignorance. Cf. n. 18 below.

7 cf. Gäbrä-Wäld, engeda-Wärq, Yäityopeya Mérétenna Geber Sem (Addis-Abäba, 1948, A.M.) 16–21;Google ScholarMathtäma-Sellasé, Wäldä-Mäsqal, Zekrä Nägär (2nd ed., Addis-Abäba, 1962 A.M.) 331–40.Google Scholar

8 Literally, ‘When the government was transferred from Gondär to Shäwa’. This incomplete sentence was probably intended ti serve as the heading for the genealogical list of the dynasty which eventually took over the imperial power, thouth not directly from Gondär, Shäwan writers generally assumed that Téwodros II (1855–68), Täklì-Giyorgis II (1868–71) and Yohannes IV (1872–89) did not actually belong to the Solomonic Dynasty which was supposed to have branched into the Shäwan and Gondäran houses, Cf. aläqa Gäbra-Sellasé, , Tarikä Zämän Zädagmawi Menilek, Negusä-Nägäst Zäityopeya (Addis-Abäba, 1959 A.M.) 44, 67, 165;Google ScholarHeruy, Wäldä-Sellasé, Wazéma (Addis-Abäba 1985) 457, 565, 697.Google Scholar

9 The verb which should have followed either the first or the last name in the list is missing from the original. The general context as well as the Amareña particle ‘ n’ make it none the less clear that ‘wällädä’ (=beget), or ‘wdlldddch’ ( = bear), as the case may be, is the relevant verb to be supplemented.

10 The original had ‘Taffasa-Warq’, but the author insisted without explanation that we adopt ‘Ténañña Warq’. He made no adjustment in his notebook during our presence.

11 According to one source, this person was named Ayahlushem. Cf. Mahtäma-Sellasé WäldäMäsqäl, ‘A study of the Ethiopian culture of horse-names’, Journal of Ethiopian Studies, VII, 2, 1969, 267.Google Scholar

12 Litrally, ‘He who is mercifulf to a partridge’. This epithet was probably a nickname applied on account of the humaneness of Abboyyé, the son-in-low of Sahlä-Sellasä, whom Tėwodros appointed representative governer of Shäwa with the title ofafä-negus.

13 ‘Del-Nässaw of Märhabètè’. He was perhaps referred to as such by the people of Mänz and Tägulät on account of his life-long attachment to that particular region.

14 The same allegation is also made by Aṣma-Giyorgis and Heruy. Cf. Bairu, 1985, 553; and, Asfa-Wossen Asserate, Die Geschichte von ṡawā (Äthiopien) 1700–1865. Nach dem Tārika Nagaṡt des Belāttēn Gētā Ḥeruy Walda Sellāṡė(Wiesbaden, 1980)60. The emperor's camp, an attribute seldom manifested in the absense of a leader. Chroniclear Gäbrä-Sellasè who asserts (cf. p. 47) that Tèwodros was impressed by the Shäwan army, does not mention this curious incident. The three chroniclers of Tèwodros also mention nothing of the kind. One of them recorded that the emperor arrived at the burial place shortly after the funeral, and that he mourned the death of Haylä-Mäläkot. Cf. Enno Littmann, History of king Theodore (Princeton, 1902) 23. Except for the purpose of translating the remains of a deceased person to a holier venue, the practice of exhumation to prove anything was apparently uncommon in Ethiopia. It is, therefore, not clear wheather the story was malicious propaganda against the conqeror, or wheather it was one of the idiosyncrasies of the sovereign.

15 In, fact, this event took place in 1859–60. Cf.Littmann, 1902, 46; Caasamir Mondon-Vidailhet, Chronique de Thèodoros II, roi des rois d' Ethiopie 1853–68 (Paris, 1904) I, 20; Gänrä-Sellasè, 1959, 53; Chris Prouty Rosenfeld, A Chronology of Menilek II of Ethiopia, 1844–1913: Emperor of Ethiopia, 1889–1913 (East Lansing, 1976) 23. For some obscure reason, the author has employed at this point the Amarena familiar form of addres in reference to ato Säyfu in contrast to his brothers, who are consistently referred to in the respect form.

16 Originally the author had recorded only the first line of the couplet and he dictated the rest in the course of the copying. The couplet was at any rate widely known for its pun:‘ej nässa’ = ‘greated by prostrating himself’ can equally mean ‘render a person handless’. In this expedition the sovereign punished hundreds of captives by the mutulation of the hands and feet. Cf. Littmann, 1902, 46;Mondon-Vidailhet, 1904. 20 f.; Bairu, 1985, 575.

17 The available sources differ on the date of this battle. Gäbrä-Sellasè, 1959, 59 and Asfa-Wossen, 1980, 64 give 16 Nähasè while Asmä-Giyorgis (cf. Bairy, 1985, 587) prefers one day later. Only the last source specifies a date for the arrival of Menilek in Ankobär which concurs with that of our present text. Rosenfeld, 1976, 31 mentions only the month in connexion with the battle and places the so-called coronation of the negus in september.

18 This date is incorrect not only because the death of Säyfu had already occurred in June 1860, but also because the town was much older. As early as 1848 Säyfu had used it as his centre during a campaign against the Oromo of Sälalè. Cf. Bairu, 1985, 543.

19 The original had ‘ras,’an anachronism which the author noticed and he insisted that we adopt‘ato’. Other similar cases have, none the less escaped his attention.

20 This date is rather perplexing, because most of the available sources assert that Yohannes and Menilek left Sälalè states (cf. pp. 83–5)that Yohannes left for Därra on 26 Mäggabit (=2 April) and that Menilek accompanied him for some distance before he returned to his capital Lechè to nine days. See also Rosenfeld, 1976, 79. But this brings us only to 11 April. The foundation stone must have, therefore, been laid either a week earlier than the given date or one must assume that it was executed through a royal representative.

21 Rosenfeld, 1976, 68 has ‘July 1876’.

22 Dästa Taälä-Wä, Addis Yamarena Mäzgäa Qalat (Addis-Abäba, 1964, A.M.) 662 defined this epidemicas ‘a disease which kills swiftly’. Epidemic diseases were given names in traditional Ethiopia in accordance with their symptomatic manifestations and /or consequences. Cf. R.Basset, Etudes sur l ' histoire d' Ēthiopie (Paris, 1882) 26, 45, 52– 27; Mondon-Vidailhet, 1904, 18; Bairu, 1977, 62. This particular epidemic is not mentioned by name in Menilek's chronicle; but Rosenfeld, 1976, 73, noted for the same year: ‘Menilek’'s campaign is plagued by disease, lack of food and poor morale’.

23 Visitation of this ravaging epidemic was rather frequent in traditional Ethiopia, and royal chroniclers as well as foreign travellers often noted its outbreak and devastation. Apparently, this one was not regarded by the contemporary chroniclers as significant perhaps on account of its occurrence in the secondary regions of the empire.

24 This date is not given in any of the usual reference works; but the same date is contained in a mimeographed lengthy biography of the notable issued by the family on the occasion of his funeral in 1959, a copy of which is preserved at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies in Addis-Abäba.

25 The formulation of this statement, as well as the one pertaining to abuna Matewos in the next entry, betrays the author's prejudice against Emperor Yohannes IV who actually strove to bring the dignitaries from Egypt. He assigned them to the various parts of the Empire.

26 Such a natural phenomenon was regarded ominous by the Ethiopian society and usually the chroniclers recorded it as a prediction of a disastrous future. Cf. Gäbrä-Sellasé, 1959,109; MondonVidailhet, 1904, 18; Bairu, 1985, 745.

27 According to Gäbrä-Sellasé, 1959, 113, Yohannes assigned the dignitary to the Kingdom of Shäwa on 8 February and he arrived in his diocese on 2 March 1883.

28 This expedition is not entered in Rosenfeld's chronology.

29 Among the victims of his anger were two of his sons: Täsämma and Asfaw (Bairu, 1985, 769).

30 Rosenfeld, 1976, 122, gives 27 January as the date of his appointment.

31 Rosenfeld, 1976, 128, has 18 January 1888 for this event.

32 Menilek undertook this expedition at the instruction of Yohannes IV between December 1887 and June 1888. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 127–31.

33 Rosenfeld, 1976, 131 has 10 June 1888.

34 The devastating rinderpest which broke out in this year raged until 1892. Cf.Pankhurst, R., ‘The great Ethiopian famine of 1889–92’, University College Review, 1 (Addis-Abāba, 1961) 90–103;Google ScholarPaulitschke, P., Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas. I: Die malerielle Kultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1893) 327;Google ScholarBraukämper, U., Die Kambata. Geschichte und Gesellschaft eines siiddthiopischen Bauernvolkes (Wiesbaden, 1983) 87.Google Scholar

35 Rosenfeld, 1976, 136 has 10 March 1889.

36 Asmä-Giyorgis (Bairu, 1985, 803) also gives the same date, and states correctly that it was Wednesday.

37 Literally, ‘His Majesty’. In this context it is obviously used in the sense of ‘the Emperor’ or ‘the King of Kings’.

38 A traditional method of treating rheumatic or syphilitic patients through heat and medicinal ointment. Cf. Dästä, 1964, 467 f.

39 This event is not mentioned in Rosenfeld, 1976. Ullendorff, E., The autobiography of Emperor Haile Selassie i: ‘My life and Ethiopia's progress’ 1892–1937(Oxford, 1976) p. 41, n. 1 dates it around 1890.Google Scholar

40 This expedition is briefly mentioned in Menilek's chronicle, but it is not entered in Rosenfeld, 1976.

41 This is a reference to the ravaging cholera which accompanied the famine and drought of 1888–92. The phrase literally means, ‘wind disease’. Wind was believed to have been the spreading agent of heat and cold, drought and fertility, disaster and blessing, devastation and happiness depending on the direction from where it came. The Book of Hénok (Inoch) distinguishes some twelve such winds. Cf. chs. 18, 56, and 76. See also Dästä, 1964, 868; Keflé, Kidanä-Wäld, Mäs'hafä Säwasew Wäges Wämäzgäbä Qalat Haddis (Addis-Abäba, 1948 A.M.) 647. There appear to have also existed local or regional winds with particular attributes. Cf. Bairu, 1985, 823.Google Scholar

42 Literally, ‘wretched day(s)’. This phrase is a descriptive name for the drought, rinderpest, and cholera which prevailed in the years 1888–92. Cf. n. 22 supra.

43 Rosenfeld, 1976, 156 and Ullendorff, 1976, 14 have 23 July.

44 This verb, which could suggest the author's location at the time of writing, may in this context imply the source of our author who was then not yet born.

45 Gäbrä-Wäld, 1948,16 dates it 3 Teqqemt 1885 A.M. (= 12 October 1892). Rosenfeld, 1976,157 gives 13 October.

46 Rosenfeld, 1976, 155 gives January 1892, and states that the first issue from this marriage was bora (p. 158) in December of the same year.

47 An extract of the zemmaré and mäwas'et hymns sung and danced to the accompaniment of the drum as an expression of satisfaction and gratitude. Cf. Mängestu, Lamma, Mäs'hafa Tezzeta Zäläga Lämma Haylu Wäldä-Tarik(Addis-Abäba, 1959 A.M.) 159 and 253.Google Scholar

48 The last entry for this notable in Rosenfeld, 1976, is 6 February 1890 when he was with Menilek in Wällo.

49 The birth of this prominent notable is omitted from Rosenfeld, 1976. In his autobiography, Emperor Haylä-Sellasé asserts that Emmeru was born four months after himself, a fact which agrees with the statement of our author. Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 14.

50 Chronicler Gäbrä-Sellasé mentions only these three notables in connexion with the treason and the trial that followed. According to Rosenfeld, 1976, 159, the treason was made public on 11 March and the trial took place on 21–26 May 1893.

51 This expedition was undertaken in December-January 1893–4. Rosenfeld, 1976, 162 and 164 asserts that he set out on 14 December and returned in January.

52 The expedition was announced in August 1894, but actually took place between 15 November 1894 and mid-January 1895. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 167–9.

53 The arrest was made in May 1895 on grounds that the official had received bribes from Italy. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 171.

54 Rosenfeld, 1976, 175 records this date with a query, but does not mention the death of the princess. This date is also inscribed on the facade of the Church of the Redeemer at Däsé built by negus Mika'él.

55 According to Rosenfeld, 1976, 186 and 188, Makwannen departed on 14 December 1897 and returned on 6 May 1898.

56 This expedition took place between September 1898 and March 1899. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 190–4.

57 Rosenfeld, 1976, 194 dates the death of the latter on 6 March 1899, while that of the former is not mentioned at all.

58 With the exception of the death of this notable, none of the facts in this entry are included in Rosenfeld's chronology. ‘Däbrä-zäyt’ (= ‘Mount Olive’) refers to the Sunday marking the middle of Lent.

59 Construction of the town began in November 1900. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 200. The imprisonment of Asfaw Darge and the participation of Täsämma Dargé in the construction of Addis-Aläm are not included in Rosenfeld's chronology.

60 Rosenfeld, 1976, 201 dates his death ‘c. 10. January’.

61 The author has left the date open, and none of the available sources mention any particular date for his birth. Wänd-Wäsän or Bäwäsän is the only one of the Kasa family mentioned in this respect, probably because he was the same age as our author. According to Ullendorf, 1976, p. 84, n. 21, his dates are 1903–36.

62 The construction began in January 1903. Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 211.

63 This fact is not entered in any of the available sources.

64 This fact is not entered in any of the available sources.

65 According to Rosenfeld, 1976, 203 and 223, Asfaw died in June 1901 and Täsämma on 14 January 1905. On the other hand, the autobiography of Mäkwännen Endalkachäw Mälkam Béta Säboch (Asmära 1948 A.M.) and the reminiscences of the old in Sälalé affirm that the two brothers died at Mäqdäla in January 1906.

66 Rosenfeld, 1976, 224 gives 22 March 1906.

67 Appointment of the future Emperor Haylä-Sellasé is not included in Rosenfeld's chronology. The proclamation was released on 2 Genbot 1898 (= 9 May 1906) and retained the office until his next appointment to part of Sidamo on 27 Mäggabit 1900 (= 4 April 1908). In actual fact, he remained in the capital and went to school. Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 26 and 28. ‘Shaldqa’ or ‘yäshaläqa’ was any governor of a province or district acceding to the office usually as an outsider and for a temporary period. Later, the term was applied exclusively to the military rank corresponding to major. Cf. Dästa, 1964, 1226.

68 The practice of exacting a certain number of cattle as a government tax was apparently an old tradition in Ethiopia, but the rationale behind the number ‘60’ in this context is rather obscure. The Portuguese Jesuit Fathers asserted in the early seventeenth century that cattle owners had to submit one in ten heads every three years. Cf. Richard, Pankhurst, Introduction to the economic history of Ethiopia (London, 1961) 188. The asrat ‘tithe’ system was also applied to other agricultural products. The government may have preferred the number ‘60’ as it was traditionally the optimal size of herd known as ‘mänga’ in Amarefña and ‘mdgarya’ in Tegreña, i.e. a herd whose size was supposed to be ideal for control by herdsmen. Throughout north-east Africa such units existed, but the numbers constituting a unit varied in different regions from 25–300.Google ScholarCf. Schinkel, Hans Georg, Haltung, Zucht und Pflege des Viehs des Nomaden Ost- und Nordostafrikas (Berlin, 1970) 116f.Google Scholar; Mūnziger, Werner, Über die Sitten unddasRecht der Bogos (Winterthur, 1859) 77; Paulitschke, 1893, 131.Google Scholar

69 Literally, ‘on my behalf’. A general term referring to a proxy or representative governor or administrator.

70 Rosenfeld, 1976, 232 gives the same date.

71 A coin worth half a taler.

72 This statement belongs logically to the first sentence of the entry. ‘ Cera’ is actually more specific than the English term ‘ tail’ and refers mainly to the hairy tip of the tail of a cow or horse. Traditionally, it was used as a whisk for chasing flies. Here it is apparently used as a technical term of taxation. Cattle are referred to in Amarenia as ‘ yaqand kabt’ = ‘ horned animals’; but insofar as the horn is not necessarily a universal attribute of head of cattle and because of its appearance in pairs, the ‘ cera’ was probably preferred as a metonomy for cow, ox, steer, heifer, calf, etc. Rosenfeld, 1976, 161 mentions that in September 1893, oxen, horses, donkeys and some land were taxed in Maria Theresa taler, but specifies no amount.

73 Neither this appointment, nor his promotion to a higher status some time later, nor his diplomatic mission to England in 1911 is mentioned in Rosenfeld's chronology.

74 Rosenfeld, 1976, 237 has 12 July 1908.

75 Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976, 237. The Amarefia term is a derivative of danaqqara and signifies ‘to block, to be a stumbling block’. Cf. Dasta, 1964, 371. The term is used for any slaughtered animal or object intended for an ominous purpose. One version for the explanation of Menilek's illness was, therefore, that his enemies exercised magical power over him.

76 A bed, divan or throne. When compounded with particular terms, it also signifies ‘ prince’.

77 According to Rosenfeld, 1976,240, Menilek left his capital for the monastery together with the empress and his French physician on 28 November 1908.

78 Cf. Rosenfeld, 1976,250. The battle was fought at Koram in September 1909, and the prisoner was sent to the capital in November; Abata himself, however, did not return until March 1910.

79 Both notables died in the same Ethiopian calendar year; but the date given here pertains only to Tasamma. Mangasha died in October 1910. Cf. Maurice de Coppet, Chronique du regne de Menelik II, roi des rois d Ethiopie (Paris, 1930–31) II, p. 538, n. 2.

80 According to the planetary chart of Steinbruchel, this phenomenon occurred on 17 April 1912, which was a Wednesday. A. Steinbruchel,‘ Tafel der Sonnen- und Mondfinsternisse der Neu- und Vollmonde von 1265 v. Chr. bis 2345 n. Chr., mit erlauterndem Text', Neujahrsblatt der Nalurforschenden Gesellschaft in Zurich aufdas Jahr 1937 (Zurich, 1937), 24 f. The day of the week given by our author was, however, correct. Cf. Lietzmann, D. Hans, Zeitrechnung der romischen Kaiserzeit, des Mitlelalters und der Neuzeit fur die Jahre 1–2000 nach Christus (Berlin, 1956) 74–84.Google Scholar

81 Alaqa Kenfe Haddisu, who included this event in his unpublished historical notes in the possession of his descendants in Addis-Ababa, adds that the prince avoided the capital where he was awaited by many people who, as a result, were very disappointed and offended.

82 After his abortive attempt to bring the crown prince under his tutelage in May–June 1911, this notable was arrested in December of the same year and taken to the prison of Maqdala in January 1912.

83 Neither Ullendorff, 1976, not Mosley give any date for the birth of the‘ eldest’ daughter of the emperor. Other available sources also have ignored it.

84 For the correctness of the day of the week given here, see Lietzmann, 1956, 74 and 85. Several dates were suggested by local and foreign speculators as that of the death of the sovereign who was incapacitated since 1909 as a result of repeated strokes. The date given by our author was the official one commemorated by his survivors.

85 This assertion is diametrically opposed to the allegation by Mahtama-Sellase, 1962, 331–40 and Gabra-Wald, 1948, 16–21 who, probably in conformity with the government's view, accuse the peasants of dishonesty.

86 Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, pp. 53–4. Negus Mika'el won the battle, and ras Le'ul-Saggad, who commanded the army of Shawa, and most of his men, were killed.

87 Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 55. According to Mdshafa Gessawe (Addis-Ababa, 1945 A.M.) 24, at least 5 saints are celebrated on this day, including Stephan the Martyr; but it is not clear why the author preferred this particular saint.

88 Borana of Wallo, bordering Amara-Saynt.

89 i.e. the first official presentation of his poetic composition. This was a turning-point in his life insofar as his effort to be accepted as a learned member of the clergy depended on the recognition of his composition as genuine, original, and impeccable. Cf. Menghistu, Lamma,‘ Ethiopian classical poetry’, in Alaka Imbakom Kalewold, Traditional Ethiopian church education(New York, 1970) 33–8.Google Scholar

90 Cf. n. 22 supra. The date refers probably to the outbreak of the epidemic (influenza) in the area where the author then was. Various local sources give slightly different dates. Dasta, 1964, 208 asserts that the ‘ hedar bdshita’ broke out on 5 Hedar 1911 A.M. (14 November 1918) ‘… after a disaster had reigned in the night of Thursday’ and that many young people died. For an account of this epidemic see R. Pankhurst, ‘The history of cholera in Ethiopia’, Medical History, 12, 1968, 262–9.

91 A dignitary of the lower rank appointed or elected in charge of a church precincts. Cf. Dasta, 1964, 777.

92 A minor dignitary or official in charge of the keys and gates of a church or palace. Cf. Dasta, 1964, 478.

93 Mosley, 1964, 298 has ‘ 1920’ as the year of her birth.

94 cf. n. 84 supra.

95 In the course of our reading the author laughed heartily at this point and tried to explain to us how high the value of the ber (silver taler) then was in terms of purchasing power in relation to the inflated ber (paper dollar) of our time.

96 According to another source, the prince departed from Koramash on 29 Hedar (8 December 1921) and, hence, the journey lasted approximately four days. Cf. aldqa Kenfe, n.d., 100.

97 A son of Tessame Darge, and hence the author mentions him.

98 Ullendorff, 1976, p. 238, n. 2 gives ‘ 1922’. Mosley, L., Haile Selassie: the conquering lion (Liverpool, 1964) 298, gives the same date as our author.Google Scholar

99 This event is not mentioned in any of the available sources.

100 cf. Ullendorff, 1976,81–123. A number of notables accompanied the Crown Prince and Regent Plenipotentiary on his visit to Europe; among them was Wand-Wasan whom the emperor lists way down among secondary officials. The fact that our author pairs the official with the Crown Prince is explicable through the significance of the Darge family to himself.

101 Guidi, I., Vocabolario amarico-italiano (Rome, 1901) 76.Google Scholar

102 Pankhurst, R., Economic history of Ethiopia, 1800–1935, 679–80, dates the launching of this newspaper as 1923 and credits only the Crown Prince with its establishment.Google Scholar

103 The coincidence of the death of this notable with that of his royal master is taken in the reminiscences of the old as evidence of the cordial relationship between the two.

104 cf. Berhanenna Sdlam Gazétta, 30 Hedar 1919 A.M.

105 This detour was occasionally undertaken not only by the notables of Semen and Tegray, but also by government envoys from Addis-Ababa. In the north, the journey began by mule to the border of Eritrea from where one went by vehicle to Massawa and then by ship to Djibouti and continued by train to the Ethiopian capital. Though an exciting experience for the Highlanders, travellers were often disappointed by the distance, the extreme heat and the enormous cost of lodging and transport, as well as by the passport and customs house control. Thus, the daughter of ras Kasa decided to journey the few hundred kilometres between Salale and Semen by mule at the height of the rainy season.

106 The Kellog-Briand Pact, also known as the Pact of Paris, was a multi-lateral agreement attempting to eliminate war as an instrument of national policy.lt was signed on 27 August 1928 by the United States of America. Japan and seven Western European powers including Germany and Italy, an irony which probably prompted the author to single out this particular international treaty as historically significant. The Soviet Union joined the signatories a few days later, and almost all nations of the world soon followed suit. Cf. Miller, D. H., The Peace of Paris: a study of the Kellog- Briand Treaty (New York, 1928) 247–8, 260–1, 281 and passim.Google Scholar

107 Actually, he was proclaimed only negus (king), a success achieved after a protracted struggle for power. Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 151–6; Mosley, 1964, 143–50.

108 The author refused to comment on the reasons behind his imprisonment, which refusal may suggest that he was implicated in the political power struggle at the capital. His patron, ras Kasa, was a potential candidate, though he quickly compromised with ras Tafari.

109 A daughter of ras Darge who repeatedly ran into conflict with the regent in the 1920s and was eventually accused of treason.

110 This is a euphemistic expression for‘ marriage on the basis of salary payment’ which was then in practise. It was arranged through a contract by which the woman received an annual payment in cash and/or kind for her services as a servant and wife. She had no right to the property of the husband and could be dismissed any time; but the children from this contract were recognized as legitimate.

111 cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 156–63.

112 cf. Ullendorff, loc. cit.

113 This noble tradition of human relations between commanders and soldiers, unfortunately, disappeared after 1941. The commander personally visited the family of each deceased, wounded or sick soldier and expressed his deepest sympathy, condolences or good wishes, as the case may be. Cf. Pearce, N., Life and adventures in Abyssinia, II, (London, 1831) 195–6.Google Scholar

114 None of the available sources give a precise date for the birth of this prince who died in 1962.

115 According to the proces verbal recorded in writing shortly after the event, the prince escaped on 10 May and was recaptured 13 June 1931. Cf. Kinefe-Regb Zelleke,‘ The episode of Eyassu Menelik (1896–1935)’, a paper submitted to the seventh International Conference of Ethiopian Studies at Lund, April, 1982, 24.

116 According to Kinefe-Regb, 1982, 22, ‘ Woy-Anta’.

117 A garment of honour, woven from a mixture of cotton and various coloured silk yarns. It was awarded together with the qdmis and the kabba to state officials and ecclesiastical dignitaries. The quality of the cloth varied according to the rank of the recipient, that of the most distinguished being braided with gold. Cf. Dasta, 1964, 384; Gabra–Wald, 1948, 26; Guidi, 1901, 658 and suppl.,1955, 189.

118 A special cape decorated with gold and worn by sovereigns, high functionaries and ecclesiastical dignitaries. Cf. Guidi, 1901, 552.

119 Also known as abddlla–kani: a flowing velvet gown or shirt braided geometrically with fine thread and worn by state officials and church dignitaries as an insignium of rank or honour. Cf. Dasta, 1964, 1077; Guidi, 1901, 248; J., Perruchon, Les chroniques de Zar'a Ya'eqob et de By'eda Maryam, rois dEthiopie de 1434 a 1478 (Paris, 1893), 24.Google Scholar

120 ‘Nafas–selk’ literally means ‘wind-wire’. Later, such foreign terms as ‘radio’. ‘telegraph’ and ‘telegram’ were adopted in Amarina. The phrase has, however, survived as the name of the southern outskirts of Addis-Ababa, where the wireless station was first established. The second element is also used ultimately with 'telephone'. With regard to the date, Pankhurst, 1968, 341 defers by stating that a temporary station was set up by a French and a Swedish engineer in the service of the Ethiopian government which was inaugurated in October 1933 and that a larger one was inaugurated on 31 January 1935.

121 It is not clear whether these names refer to one, or two or three persons. The verb hedu ‘went’ is a singular, third person, masculine respect form as well as third person, masculine and feminine plural. Judging it from the title, it must refer to one person, in which case the author knew two men with precisely the same personal and father's names and hence he found it necessary to add the name of the grandfather of the one concerned.

122 The purpose of this visit is unknown. The emperor does not mention it in his autobiography. Traditionally, Ethiopian sovereigns visited particular monasteries or churches before they went on a military expedition.

123 According to Ullendorff, 1976, 227–30 the Italians crossed the Ethiopian border in the north on 2 October 1935 and bombarded the town of Adwa from the air. The Italian declaration of war was, however, issued in Asmara on 4 October.

124 Ullendorff, 1976, 227 has 22 Maskaram ½ 3 October.

125 This proclamation has not been identified. It is perhaps a mistake for the imperial speech to the parading army on 8 Teqqemt 1928 (½ 19 October 1935), cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 235–7.

126 This prince was appointed commander–in–chief of the northern front in the summer of 1935, and most of the notables, including the minister of war, were placed under his command. Cf. Ullendorff, 1976, 233–5.

127 This is probably a reference to the Italian entry into Addis–Ababa which took place on 5 May1936. Cf. P., Badoglio, Der abessinische Krieg (Munich, 1937), 175.Google Scholar

128 According to Salome, his men had become suspicious of his intentions, as a result of his friendly correspondence with the Italians. Cf. Egziabher, Salome Gabre, ‘The Ethiopian patriots: 1936–1941’. Ethiopia Observer, XII, 1969,70–1. It is, however, implied in this article that the massive desertion took place following his defeat in Addis–Ababa on 29 July.Google Scholar

129 On the various campaigns of the patriots, see Salome, 1969, 63–91; M. D. Weerts, ‘The late Mr. Antonin Besse and the Ethiopian resistance during the years 1935–40’, Journal of Ethiopian Studies, VII, 2, 1970, 171–80; R. Pankhurst,' The Ethiopian patriots and the collapse of Italian rule in East Africa', Ethiopia Observer, XII, 1969, 92–127; R. Pankhurst, 'Italy and Ethiopia: the first four years of the resistance movement (1936–41)’, Africa Quarterly: Journal of Indian Counsel for Africa, ix, 4, 1970, 338–73; A.del, Boca, The Ethiopian war, 1935–1941 (Chicago, 1969) 239–52.Google Scholar

130 The author omitted the verb, which was perhaps the equivalent of ‘submitted’. The available sources do not agree on whether he and his two brothers surrendered or were taken captive. The former opinion is maintained by Salome and Rosenfeld. Cf. Salome, 1969, 72; Prouty, C. and Rosenfeld, E., Historical dictionary of Ethiopia (Metuchen, N.J., 1981) 1. On the other hand, R. Pankhurst asserts that Wand–Wasan Kasa was captured on 10 December 1936, while Asfa-Wasan and Abarra were taken captive on 21 December. Cf. Pankhurst, 1970, 345.Google Scholar

131 cf. Pankhurst, 1970, 353.

132 The relevance of the Finnish–Soviet war of the winter of 1939–40 to either the history of Ethiopia or the life of the author is unknown. At any rate, the war broke out on 30 November 1939.

133 Following the revolution of 1974, this holiday was changed to a date almost a month earlier on the grounds that the patriots arrived in Addis-Ababa four weeks before the emperor. Ironically, the anniversary of the revolution is celebrated not on 11 Yakkatit, the day of the general outbreak, but rather on 2 Maskaram, when the emperor was dethroned.

134 ‘Seat of the Lord of the Hosts’l. Cf. Isaiah 1: 24, 2: 12, 5: 7. Each of the full–fledged churches in Ethiopia has a high-sounding name related to the patron angel or saint.