This article evaluates the impact of partisanship, globalization and postindustrialism on provincial revenues since 1980. It is often argued that the first of these no longer has an effect, while the second and third erode fiscal capacity. These arguments are assessed with multilevel models, hitherto little used for macro-level estimations in political science. This approach is particularly suited to testing these influences. The study finds that partisanship is, in fact, strongly associated with provincial revenues. Globalization and postindustrialism have a more muted effect, though alternative estimations support somewhat different conclusions regarding the former. The social preconditions of partisanship's impact, moreover, deserve more attention.

This article shows how Athens in the late fifth and early fourth centuries mitigated Robert Michels' famous “iron law of oligarchy.” It is argued that Athens' success es related to its practice of universal male citizen participation in the administration of the city. At several points a comparison is drawn between how the International Typographical Union (ITU), studied in Lipset, Trow, and Coleman's Union Democracy, mitigated the “iron law,” and how Athens did so. The purpose of this article, however, is not to draw as many comparisons as possible. It is rather to suggest that the very possibility of comparison implies that the lessons of Athens are still relevant, if properly interpreted. This last clause is important, for it is argued that the way in which mass participation mitigated the iron law at Athens was subtle, and easily misinterpreted, perhaps especially by those who are eager to see greater participation in contemporary Western democracies.

The problem of deciding upon a national wage-price policy has become increasingly urgent in recent years both because of the growing importance of “full employment” as an objective of economic policy in the United States and elsewhere, and because of the economic conditions accompanying and following the war which have had the effect of creating a “full employment” situation. Many economists, including some with such widely divergent views on public policy as Sir William Beveridge and the late Professor Henry Simons, have in recent years expressed concern over the possibility that labour unions might create inflationary pressures by demanding large wage increases in time of “full employment.” (The problem may arise before full employment is reached; this possibility is mentioned below.) However, the economists who are concerned with this possibility are by no means agreed as to what policy can or should be adopted to cope with it. In this paper we shall analyse various possible alternative policies and the theoretical problems that underlie them.

Traditionally the government, as regulator of the currency, has been responsible for maintaining its value, i.e. controlling the general price level. While discharging this responsibility is by no means an easy task, it is, theoretically at least, capable of achievement. However, to couple this responsibility with that of maintaining continuous full employment of the labour force, is to saddle the government with two responsibilities which it may be impossible to discharge simultaneously. The following argument will serve to clarify the nature of the difficulty.

Economics first appeared in a Canadian university curriculum more than eighty years ago; thirty years later several universities were offering groups of courses in economics that could qualify a student for the equivalent of an honours degree in economics; but it is only in the past thirty-five years that a steady flow of scholarly writing in Canadian economics has developed. The twenty-fifth anniversary of the founding of this Journal provides an appropriate occasion to review briefly the expansion of economic scholarship in Canada.

The first university course in political economy to be offered in Canada was in 1878 when the Department of Philosophy at Queen's University introduced a course of lectures based on Adam Smith, Mill, and Jevons. Ten years later, in 1888, Adam Shortt was appointed lecturer in political economy and in 1891 he became the Sir John A. Macdonald Professor of Political Science. The University of Toronto appointed its first professor of political science in 1888, and (Sir) William Ashley gave lectures in both political economy and constitutional history. McGill entered the field in 1899 when Dr. LeRossignol of Colorado was appointed visiting professor for one year. In 1900 Stephen Leacock was appointed lecturer in political science, and in 1901 (Sir) William Flux was brought over from England to occupy McGill's first chair in economics. The succeeding chairs of political economy in Canadian universities were occupied by A. L. McCrimmon at McMaster in 1904, E. Bouchette at Montreal in 1907, and A. B. Clark at Manitoba in 1909.

Abstract. Headlines play a key role in influencing how and about what citizens are informed. In news media, their task is threefold: to represent stories, signal informational hierarchy and draw publicity for (or sell) what follows. This article examines the representative dimension of headline news content for the 2006 Canadian federal election campaign, testing whether public media headlines more faithfully reflected story-level coverage than commercial media. Comparing both public and commercial media coverage of this watershed election presents a unique opportunity to assess whether the overarching macro-incentive of commercial media—profit-making—may have influenced micro-level relationships between headlines and stories. Results of 55-day multiplatform analysis (N = 11,002) involving CBC election media and 12 commercial newsrooms reveal few differences with respect the representativeness of headlines from public and commercial media, save for the presence of journalists' opinion in headline content.

Résumé. Les titres influencent comment les citoyens sont informés, et à propos de quoi ils en pensent. Les titres ont trois objectifs dans les nouvelles : ils résument les nouvelles, signalent quelles nouvelles sont les plus importantes, et vendre l'histoire complète qui suit. L'article examine le niveau de représentativité des titres dans les nouvelles sur la campagne de l'élection fédérale canadienne de 2006. Plus précisément, il teste si les titres venant des médias publics sont plus représentatifs que les nouvelles dans le média commercial. En comparant la couverture médiatique dans cette élection structurante, nous explorons si la motivation des médias commerciaux, notamment le profit, peut influencer le lien entre les titres et les articles. Les résultats de l'analyse multiplateforme de la campagne qui durait 55 jours (N = 11 002) incluent la couverture sur la CBC et 12 médias commerciaux. Ils indiquent qu'il n'y a pas beaucoup de différence dans la représentativité des titres entre les sources publiques et commerciales, sauf la présence de l'opinion dans le contenu des titres.

There are many works on decentralization, but few of them have studied in a systematic way the power relations that are associated with the transfer of attributions from a superior level to an inferior level of government. In order to compensate for these shortcomings a conceptual framework and two research proposals are formulated about the different components of decentralization and the power relations pertaining to them. The model is then applied to various decentralization policies which were adopted since the 1980s in different countries. Two main conclusions can be drawn from this study. First, in the power relations between the actors of the different levels of government, those of the superior level are maintaining their domination by controlling the more important resources in the new relationships created by the decentralization policies. Second, the actors of the superior level of government are seeking to present their domination as plausible with reference to some values generally associated with centralization or decentralization.

Following public debates on the topic of trust in Quebec, this article examines the alleged social capital differential between Quebec and the rest of Canada. The literature has found lower levels of generalized trust in Quebec, but explanations offered are diverse and conjectural, with historical, sociological and political factors all in contention. We test contextual and compositional influences, including cohort differences, language and linguistic ability, religion, ethnicity, and neighbourhood-level measures of diversity, using pooled cross-sectional data from the Canadian General Social Survey (2003, 2008 and 2013) linked with precise measures of neighbourhood-level ethnic and linguistic diversity drawn from the Canadian census. We identify those Quebecers who have low levels of trust and those who more closely resemble their counterparts in the rest of Canada. We find that individual linguistic ability and linguistic heterogeneity of the neighbourhood are important correlates of trust and that among francophone populations, social distrust is found most in unilingual homogenous communities.

Empirical data from exploratory research on ethical risks in a municipal environment were coded thematically. An ethical risk diagnosis was performed in a municipality confronting a major integrity crisis. A data collection strategy composed of semi-directed interviews with strategic actors and focus groups of operational actors spanned the period from November 2015 to March 2016.

This research follows a feedback-about-experience model (Wybo and Wassenhove, 2009). Thus, through collective reflection, this study's aim is to create a pool of practical recommendations to enable greater understanding of ethical risks and to target risk mitigation strategies for said risks.

As for our analyses, we intersected our results along two axes: a risks’ analysis from three indicators (risky behaviours, risk factors and mitigation strategies), and a stakeholders’ transactions analysis. To underline the cross-cutting nature of the data and their contextual links to specific transactions, our results are presented in a consolidated manner. In the discussion section, strategies for mitigating ethical risks are emphasized in order to highlight an important discrepancy between our results and conventional suggestions about public service ethics set forth by institutional experts.

The purpose of this article is to discuss some aspects of forest management; its justification is the undoubted importance of forest-based industries to the Canadian economy, particularly Canada's foreign trade. Economists and those who administer forests are not agreed on the fundamentals of forest management. Nor have administrators agreed on the way in which forests should be utilized. We will, however, describe only one rule for forest management formulated by those responsible for administering forests—maximum sustained yield—and compare that rule with the results of capital theory.

In order to keep the analysis clear and to the point, a simplified example, based on an actual study, will be used throughout this paper. This example allows the divergent conclusions of capital theory to be illustrated and compared with the results of adopting maximum sustained yield, the rule recommended by the forester in the study from which the example is drawn.

The analysis here makes no pretence at originality and provides no new rule for managing forests. But it might serve to bring divergent groups closer to mutual understanding, and set the stage for some discussion of forest management by economists in Canada. It has been suggested, particularly by Professor Keirstead and Professor Scott, that no new theory of resources is needed because existing theory is adequate. On the other hand, Dr. Lamontagne and Dr. Keenleyside have suggested that economists have been remiss because they have neglected resources. These conflicting views indicate a need for an appraisal of existing theory concerning the administration of resources.

Federal and provincial policy responses to the COVID-19 pandemic raise a host of constitutional issues that decision makers must pay heed to or risk serious violations of individual rights under the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This research note will examine a number of policy challenges as they relate to mobility rights (s. 6), legal rights (ss. 7 through 14), and equality rights (s. 15) and will articulate the factors that policy makers should consider in design and implementation. Other important constitutional questions, such as those relating to the division of powers, emergency powers and the relationship between the executive and Parliament, have also emerged in Canada but are beyond the scope of this note.

Abstract. Disability rights organizations have been active participants before the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) since the mid-1980s but they have been completely neglected in the literature on social movement legal mobilization. This paper seeks to remedy this lacuna by providing an overview of the litigation activity of the main disability rights organizations. It builds on an emerging complementary theoretical perspective for understanding the participation by movement actors in the Court. Through an analysis of shared and contested collective meaning frames within and across social movement organizations we can complement existing theoretical explanations for the overall development of legal mobilization by social movement actors.

Résumé. Les organismes du mouvement de défense des droits des personnes handicapées prennent une part active aux litiges devant la Cour suprême du Canada depuis le milieu des années quatre-vingt. Toutefois, on ne retrouve pas trace de ce mouvement dans la littérature sur la mobilisation des acteurs collectifs dans les lieux juridiques. Le présent article vient combler cette lacune en analysant les activités du mouvement dans ce domaine. L'article s'appuie sur une perspective théorique novatrice et complémentaire qui s'intéresse particulièrement aux rôles que jouent les idées organisationnelles et les relations intra-organisationnelles (conflictuelles ou de coopération) au sein du mouvement. L'article met de l'avant une explication qui combine ces deux facteurs pour mieux expliquer les tendances activistes de participation aux litiges par rapport aux analyses «classiques» qui ne prennent en compte que les ressources ou le contexte politique.

There are two things we would like to do in what follows. The first is to provide a comparative anatomy of some of the simple, basic models of economic growth. The second is to offer the thesis that within this selection of models surprisingly little has been added to the structure of Sir Roy Harrod's “Essay in Dynamic Theory.” If the Harrod model is prefaced by F. P. Ramsey's account of savings, and supplemented by J. von Neumann's existence theorems for growth in a disaggregated economy, that range includes the essential ideas of the entire selection. Many issues have been clarified by the later items. Useful elaborations have been developed, chiefly in an improved treatment of money and of technological change. But other elaborations have been at best ornamental, and purely analytical improvements have been very small. In the spirit of this assessment we maintain that it is a mistake to link Harrod's model with that of E. D. Domar in the often encountered Harrod-Domar model: the Domar model is much the narrower in scope.

These views might depend on the choice we have made of simple models, but we believe they reflect instead the aptness and durability of the Harrod scheme. In any case we are not attempting either a review article or an exercise in the history of economic thought. Our interest is in analysis, and we identify our choice of models by a short list of specific references, drawing upon associated commentaries only for help in interpretation. The list goes back no earlier than to 1928 and F. P. Ramsey's classical “Mathematical Theory of Savings.”

Like other policy subsectors, power generation has been affected by the governance changes of the last two decades, including a shift to more collaborative state-society relations. Collaborative governance implies new kinds of public engagement designed to provide both input legitimacy, through the involvement of a broader range of actors in policy design, and output legitimacy, through enhanced feedback and policy learning. This paper compares the impact of “governance-driven engagement” in the power generation subsectors in Nova Scotia and Saskatchewan, arguing that engagement increased the complexity of the policy mix in the subsector without succeeding in providing better feedback and learning. The paper notes a recent trend towards more expert-driven and less collaborative processes, as both provinces struggled to rationalize and simplify power generation policy goals and instruments.

In nearly every recent commentary on Canadian political parties one observation has been repeatedly emphasized. It is that the Canadian electorate has shown an inclination to put in power at the provincial level parties which stand in opposition to the party which has been entrusted with power at Ottawa. The writers who have stressed this phenomenon have been impressed by the fact that during the latter years of their national ascendancy the Liberals were in control of only a few of the smaller provinces (by 1957 only Prince Edward Island, New Rrunswick, and, through a coalition, Manitoba), while in the other and larger provinces the Progressive Conservatives, C.C.F., Social Credit, or Union Nationale were firmly entrenched. From this observation three conclusions, either explicit or implicit, have generally been deduced. The first is that during the latter years of the Liberal régime the real opposition to the Government was not to be found at the Speaker's left in Ottawa, but rather in the provincial capitals. The second is that the individual Canadian voter has alternated his party choice at provincial and federal elections, and by so doing has demonstrated a type of voting behaviour which is not usually to be found in federations. The third conclusion is that in favouring one party provincially and another party nationally the Canadian voter is motivated by a calculated desire to balance the power of the one against the other. The purpose of this article is to examine the pattern of provincial and federal election results and to determine the extent to which these conclusions are supported by the available evidence.

Much of the current discussion of theories of economic growth is coloured by one of two factors which repeatedly crop up in the pertinent literature. The theoretical treatment of economic growth is either too strongly policy-oriented, or it is stated in an overly general form whose results are applicable only with difficulty, and often with grave reservations, to actual cases of economic growth.

Since the practical needs of policy-makers in the United Nations and its specialized agencies and in national governments concerned with developmental policies or colonial development have provided a strong impetus for the recent study of economic growth it is not surprising that the literature on this subject should have taken on a strong policy-oriented coloration. What the practitioners needed and continue to need are general guide-lines for their work. What they ask from the theorist, therefore, is to prescribe for them a series of relatively simple formulas which make up the basic equipment of the tool-kits they can take to the four corners of the world and from which they can select, as the situation demands, the appropriate item for application. The result of this situation has been the elaboration of a large amount of knowledge, the parts of which are little integrated. This is especially unfortunate since the concept of technical assistance has tended to embrace knowledge in many fields of social science and has brought together scholars and administrators in various fields and with varied technical competence.

Abstract. In contemporary Canada, the idea of the powerful first minister is widely acknowledged. The recent debate has focused on Donald Savoie's thesis that the concentration of power to the centre has accelerated and ministers have effectively lost their influence on decision making in cabinet. This article identifies two research gaps. First, the study combines both the experiences of federal and provincial cabinet ministers to construct an understanding of Canadian cabinet decision making at both levels of government. Second, the research investigates the new generation of cabinet ministers; no study has yet consulted ministers of the 2000–2010 decade.

Résumé. Dans le Canada contemporain, l'idée du premier ministre puissant est largement reconnue. Le débat récent s'est fixé sur la thèse de Donald Savoie que la concentration de pouvoir au centre a accéléré de le et les ministres ont perdu efficacement leur influence sur la prise de décision dans le cabinet. Cet article identifie deux écarts de recherche. Premièrement, l'étude combine les deux les expériences de ministres fédéraux et provinciaux pour construire une compréhension de prise de décision ministérielle Canadienne aux deux niveaux de gouvernement. Deuxième, la recherche examine la nouvelle génération de ministres – aucune étude a consulté pourtant des ministres de la 2000–2010 décennie.

Basing point methods of price quoting represent one form of imperfect competition in a group of industries, the underlying characteristics of which make some form of imperfect competition inevitable. They are departures from “normal” competition, by our simple inherited theoretical standard. But those who have had contact with the N.R.A. experiment in the United States must have had reason to doubt whether any industry is “normal” by such standards. Possibly the trouble was with what we had conceived as normal. In any case, this form of pricing deserves study uncontrolled by inherited preconceptions.

It appears to arise in industries having four main characteristics or predisposing conditions. The first is a standardized commodity, such that purchasers will not buy from one producer if another producer offers even a very slightly lower price. This is true of the main product of the cement industry, and approximately true of basic tonnage steel products, but less so of the higher grades of steel.

In the second place, production is localized, with a considerable number of producing points at considerable distances from one another. Some centres of production include a number of rival producers, others only one.