A developmental psychopathology framework, with its emphasis on an interdisciplinary perspective, the interplay between work conducted with normal and atypical populations, and its focus on investigating functioning in multiple domains of development concurrently, possesses significant potential for advancing work on memory and trauma. A brief historical overview of memory and trauma is provided. Significant issues are highlighted that must be confronted in order to advance the understanding of the effects of trauma on memory and the utility of a developmental psychopathology perspective for informing research efforts is examined. The implications of a developmental psychopathology perspective for guiding research, clinical, and social policy initiatives of relevance to trauma and memory are discussed.

Because nearly all human behavior depends to some degree on functioning of the memory system, progress in understanding the diverse psychopathological effects of trauma must be expected to reflect the state of research and theory on human memory. An informal survey of literature on research in psychopathology reveals increasing attention to processes of memory and cognition but an absence of citations of the models of memory that subsume research results and mediate their applications. In this article, a series of steps is taken with the aim of redressing this situation. The first is an overview of contemporary models of memory. From these a set of widely supported assumptions about basic processes and structures is abstracted to form a composite model, which is illustrated in application to several major research paradigms. Finally, consideration is given to implications of the composite model for effects of psychopathological trauma and for some aspects of the maturation and decline of memory functions throughout the life span.

The impact of traumatic experiences on cognitive processes, especially memory, is reviewed. The major psychological sequelae of trauma (reexperiencing, avoidance, hypervigilance) and posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) are noted and related to traditional views of fear conditioning. Evidence indicating enhanced memory for the gist of emotional events is reviewed as are psychological and neurophysiological mechanisms underlying this enhancement. This view is updated by introducing the distinction between explicit and implicit memory and its relevance to traumatic memory and PTSD. The central role of “the experiencing ego” in the storage and retrieval of episodic memories is postulated. This leads into discussion of dissociative experiences during traumas and the occasional amnesia for voluntary recall of the trauma accompanied by involuntary, uncontrollable flashbacks of it. The relationship of dissociative experiences to hypnotizability and to pathological reactions to traumas is discussed, although the interpretation of those correlations is questioned. The article concludes by noting that beyond conditioning of fear, traumas often violate and shake the victims' basic assumptions about the benevolence, justice, and meaningfulness of their physical and social worlds. Psychotherapy with trauma victims then needs to attend not only to extinguishing the victims' fear and feelings of extreme vulnerability, but also to rebuilding their basic beliefs about the relative benevolence of the world.

Of major interest to those concerned with early mnemonic process and function is the question of whether early memories likely encoded without the benefit of language later are accessible to verbal report. In the context of a controlled laboratory study, we examined this question in children who were 16 and 20 months at the time of exposure to specific target events and who subsequently were tested for their memories of the events after a delay of either 6 or 12 months (at 22–32 months) and then again at 3 years. At the first delayed-recall test, children evidenced memory both nonverbally and verbally. Nonverbal mnemonic expression was related to age at the time of test; verbal mnemonic expression was related to verbal fluency at the time of test. At the second delayed-recall test, children evidenced continued accessibility of their early memories. Verbal mnemonic expression was related to previous mnemonic expression, both nonverbal and verbal, each of which contributed unique variance. The relevance of these findings on memory for controlled laboratory events for issues of memory for traumatic experiences is discussed.

It is argued that memory for traumatic events is similar to that for other distinctive, personally significant events regardless of whether they are affectively positive or negative. Examined in this light, the focus now shifts to the role of individual differences in neurobiological, social, cognitive, and constitutional factors that conspire to determine long-term retention of significant autobiographical experiences. What is known about these factors in determining memorability is reviewed, issues of measurement inadequacies discussed, and recommendations for further research outlined.

Whereas the social and emotional consequences of childhood trauma are well documented, less is known about how young children understand, represent, and remember traumatic experiences. A review of the literature indicates striking similarities in the development of young children's ability to recall traumatic and nontraumatic events. More specifically, events experienced before the age of about 18 months do not seem to be verbally accessible; events experienced between about 18 months and 2.5–3 years are reported in fragmentary fashion and seem to be prone to increasing error over time. From about age 3 years on, children can give reasonably coherent accounts of their past experiences and can retain these memories over long durations. The ways in which children are able to participate in conversations about events as they are occurring and in retrospect seems to play a critical role in their developing event memories. Implications of the empirical data for understanding trauma memory in childhood are discussed.

In this review we examine factors hypothesized to affect children's memory for traumatic events. Theoretical ideas on the processing and remembering of trauma are presented and critiqued. We review research on how psychopathology may generally influence and dissociation and posttraumatic stress disorder may specifically influence children's memory and suggestibility. The special case of child maltreatment is addressed as it relates to interviewing children about traumatic life experiences. Throughout we draw on current developmental, cognitive, social, and clinical theory and research. The review covers a controversial and exciting area of psychological inquiry.

Research on the effects of child maltreatment and exposure to community violence suggests that children who experience these types of traumatic events may be at risk for alterations and biases in attention and memory similar to those that have been observed in adults suffering from traumatic stress reactions. Along these lines, attachment theory posits that representational models of relationships also may act as moderators of similar cognitive biases by selectively guiding children's attention to and processing of interpersonal stimuli. Building upon the trauma and attachment literatures, the present investigation examined the links among trauma, representational models of caregivers, and children's memory for mother-relevant information using an incidental recall task in a sample of maltreated (n = 71) and nonmaltreated (n = 102) children between the ages of 8 and 13 years. Results were consistent with the hypothesis that experiences of trauma and representational models of caregivers are associated with differences in the way children process and retrieve information about positive and negative mother attribute words. In particular, experiences of trauma initially were associated with increased insecurity in children's representational models. Moreover, the interaction of traumatic experience and security of mental representation predicted children's recall for mother attribute words: victimized children with insecure models recalled the highest proportion of negative mother stimuli. Trauma and mental representation did not have a consistent effect on structurally encoded aspects of recall. Results were discussed in terms of the ways in which children who have experienced trauma process information about their worlds. The importance of assessing functioning in multiple developmental domains when studying memory also was discussed.

The present article addresses issues concerning the complex relation between memory and trauma in childhood and adult life. Research findings showing how children and adults remember public and personal emotional events are presented, and mechanisms functioning to hold traumatic memories back from awareness are discussed. In the final section, developmental aspects are addressed by considering the interplay between child and adult trauma. Several cases are described that show how childhood trauma may be represented in memory and influence later development and adult memory processes.

How do clinical observations of repression square with experimental evidence suggesting that emotionally arousing memories are especially enduring? This discrepancy can be understood by examining three kinds of memory distortions that give the impression in a clinical context, of repression. Potentially traumatic events such as childhood sexual abuse (CSA) may be subject to ordinary forgetting. Recent research suggests people who fail to understand the sexual nature of CSA report that they remember it less well. In other words, the event occurred and it was forgotten, but not “repressed.” In addition, people may be wrong about experiencing a period of forgetting, i.e. the event occurred but was never forgotten. Finally, people may believe that a particular traumatic event occurred and was repressed when, in fact, it did not happen in the first place. Under certain circumstances, some combination of these distortions could lead to situations that are mistakenly interpreted as repression.

Many aspects of brain development depend on experience. Because the major macro-morphological events of brain development occur over the first 2–3 years of postnatal life, this time period can be considered both a period of opportunity as well as a period of vulnerability. In this paper we describe how experience with stress early in life can have a negative impact on certain aspects of brain development, and specifically, those neural circuits that underlie memory. We also describe the effects of traumatic events on the development of the neural basis of memory. In support of our argument, we review the literature on brain, stress, and memory in the context of development. Based on this review, we suggest that the developing brain is particularly vulnerable to the harmful physiological effects of stress, which in turn has the potential to lead to impairments in memory. Unfortunately, there are few empirical data that directly address this hypothesis. In this context we offer a number of suggestions for future research.

Emotion and memory are examined within a developmental framework. The point of departure for this discussion is the study of maltreated children whose traumatic experiences have been linked to difficulties in emotional development. It is suggested that cognitive processes such as memory and attention serve to link experience with emotion and emotion with psychopathology. Thus, an information processing approach is used to explain the development of maltreated children's adaptive and maladaptive coping responses. It is argued that maltreated children's association of affective stimuli with traumatic experiences and memories selectively alters the meaning of emotions for these children. More generally, the role of experience and learning as a component of emotional development is emphasized.

Posttraumatic stress disorder is the pathological replay of emotional memory formed in response to painful, life-threatening, or horrifying events. In contrast, depression is often precipitated by more social context-related stressors. New data suggest that different types of life experiences can differentially impact biochemistry, physiology, anatomy, and behavior at the level of changes in gene expression. Repeated separation of neonatal rat pups from their mother results in many long-lasting alterations in biology and behavior paralleling that in depression, including hypercortisolism. The role of the amygdala in modulating emotional memory is highlighted, as well as some of its unique properties such as metaplasticity (i.e., the differential direction of long-term adaptation, either potentiation or depression) in response to the same input as a function of the prior history of stimulation. The implications of these emerging data on the physiological and molecular mechanisms underlying emotional memory emphasize the particular importance of prevention and early intervention.

This article reviews memory-related impairments in trauma survivors with posttraumatic stress disorder and their possible association to neuroendocrine alterations seen in this disorder. The neuroendocrine profile in PTSD first described in chronically ill combat veterans is characterized by lower basal cortisol levels, higher glucocorticoid receptor number, enhanced sensitivity to exogenous steroids, and increased variation in basal cortisol levels over the diurnal cycle. The generalizability and time course of these neuroendocrine alterations are explored in longitudinal studies and studies in other traumatized populations. These studies suggest that at least some aspects of this neuroendocrine profile can also be seen in other populations, including women, children, and victims of childhood trauma. Additionally, the alterations may be present early in the course of illness, perhaps even in the immediate aftermath of trauma, and may continue to be manifest in elderly trauma survivors. The mechanisms by which these neuroendocrine alterations may influence the formation and processing of traumatic memories are discussed.

Studies in animals showing hippocampal atrophy and associated memory deficits in stress and aging have implications for stress and aging in humans. Clinical studies in traumatized human populations with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have replicated studies in animals, showing reduction in volume of the hippocampus measured with magnetic resonance imaging and associated memory deficits. Trauma at different stages of development (early childhood abuse versus trauma in later life due to combat) may influence the nature of memory deficits and hippocampal atrophy. Studies in aging human subjects are consistent with animal studies, although future research is needed in this area. The similarities between biological findings related to cortisol and the hippocampus in stress and aging in both animal and human studies raises the question of whether PTSD can be seen as a form of accelerated aging. Evidence that stress affects the hippocampus and the capacity for learning has broad implications for public health policy, underlying the need for additional resources in this important area and a reexamination of our understanding of factors influencing academic achievement.