While epidemiological surveys worldwide have found a considerable proportion of people using mental health services not to have a diagnosis of a mental disorder, with possible implications of service overuse, other work has suggested that most people without a current diagnosis who used services exhibited other indicators of need. The aims of the present study were, using somewhat different categorisations than previous work, to investigate whether: (1) Australians without a diagnosis of a mental disorder who used mental health services had other indicators of need; and (2) how rate and frequency of service use in Australia related to level of need, then to discuss the findings in light of recent developments in Australian Mental Health Policy and other epidemiological and services research findings.

Data from the Australian National Survey of Mental Health and Wellbeing (NSMHWB) 2007 was analysed.

Most people using mental health services had evident indicators of need for mental health care (MHC), and most of those with lower evident levels of need did not make heavy use of services. Only a small proportion of individuals without any disorders or need indicators received MHC (4%). Although this latter group comprises a fair proportion of service users when extrapolating to the Australian population (16%), the vast majority of these individuals only sought brief primary-care or counselling treatment rather than consultations with psychiatrists. Access and frequency of MHC consultations were highest for people with diagnosed lifetime disorders, followed by people with no diagnosed disorders but other need indicators, and least for people with no identified need indicators. Limitations include some disorders not assessed in interview and constraints based on survey size to investigate subgroups defined, for instance, by socioeconomic advantage and disadvantage individually or by characteristics of area.

MHC for individuals with no recognised disorders or other reasonable need for such care may be occurring but if so is likely to be an area-specific phenomenon. Rather than revealing a large national pool of treatment resources being expended on the so-called ‘worried well’, the findings suggested a generally appropriate dose–response relationship between need indicators and service use. Definitive ascertainment of area-specific disparities in this national pattern would require a different survey approach. Government proposals for widespread introduction of stepped-care models that may seek to divert patients from existing treatment pathways need to be implemented with care and well informed by local data.

The World Health Organization (WHO)’s Mental Health Atlas series has established itself as the single most comprehensive and most widely used source of information on the global mental health situation. The data derived from the latest Mental Health Atlas survey carried out in 2014 describes the availability and delivery of mental health services in the WHO's Member States, focussing on differences by country's income level.

The data contained in this paper are mainly derived from questions relating to mental health service availability and uptake, as well as on financial and human resources for mental health. Results are presented as median values and analysed by World Bank income group. Interquartile ranges are also provided as measures of statistical dispersion.

In total, 171 out of WHO's 194 Member States were able to at least partially complete the Atlas questionnaire. The results highlight a wide gap between high and low-medium income countries in a number of areas: for example, high-income countries have 20 times more beds in community-based inpatient units and 30 times more admissions; the rate of patients cared by outpatient facilities is 40 times higher; and there are 66 times more community outpatient contacts and 15 times more mental health staff at outpatient level. Overall resources for mental health are not distributed efficiently: globally about 60% of financial resources and over two-thirds of all available mental health staff are concentrated in mental hospitals, which serve only a small proportion of patients. Results indicate that outpatient care is the only effective means of increasing the coverage for mental disorders and is expanding, but it is strongly influenced by country income level. Two elements of the network of mental health facilities are particularly scarce in low- and middle-income countries: day treatment facilities and community residential facilities.

The WHO Mental Health Atlas 2014 survey provides basic mental health information at the level of WHO's Member States, concerning mental health resources and activities. Atlas promotes the use of information, usually underestimated not only in low- and middle-income countries but also in high-income countries. Information is needed not only for monitoring the scaling up of the mental health system at country level, but also for improving transparency and accountability for users, families and the public.

The standardised mean difference (SMD) is one of the most used effect sizes to indicate the effects of treatments. It indicates the difference between a treatment and comparison group after treatment has ended, in terms of standard deviations. Some meta-analyses, including several highly cited and influential ones, use the pre-post SMD, indicating the difference between baseline and post-test within one (treatment group).

In this paper, we argue that these pre-post SMDs should be avoided in meta-analyses and we describe the arguments why pre-post SMDs can result in biased outcomes.

One important reason why pre-post SMDs should be avoided is that the scores on baseline and post-test are not independent of each other. The value for the correlation should be used in the calculation of the SMD, while this value is typically not known. We used data from an ‘individual patient data’ meta-analysis of trials comparing cognitive behaviour therapy and anti-depressive medication, to show that this problem can lead to considerable errors in the estimation of the SMDs. Another even more important reason why pre-post SMDs should be avoided in meta-analyses is that they are influenced by natural processes and characteristics of the patients and settings, and these cannot be discerned from the effects of the intervention. Between-group SMDs are much better because they control for such variables and these variables only affect the between group SMD when they are related to the effects of the intervention.

We conclude that pre-post SMDs should be avoided in meta-analyses as using them probably results in biased outcomes.

Information is crucial in mental healthcare, yet it remains undervalued by stakeholders. Its absence undermines rationality in planning, makes it difficult to monitor service quality improvement, impedes accountability and human rights monitoring. For international organizations (e.g., WHO, OECD), information is indispensable for achieving better outcomes in mental health policies, services and programs. This article reviews the importance of developing system level information with reference to inputs, processes and outputs, analyzes available tools for collecting and summarizing information, highlights the various goals of information gathering, discusses implementation issues and charts the way forward.

Relevant publications and research were consulted, including WHO studies that purport to promote the use of information systems to upgrade mental health care in high- and low-middle income countries.

Studies have shown that once information has been collected by relevant systems and analyzed through indicator schemes, it can be put to many uses. Monitoring mental health services, represents a first step in using information. In addition, studies have noted that information is a prime resource in many other areas such as evaluation of quality of care against evidence based standards of care. Services data may support health services research where it is possible to link mental health data with other health and non-health databases. Information systems are required to carefully monitor involuntary admissions, restrain and seclusion, to reduce human rights violations in care facilities. Information has been also found useful for policy makers, to monitor the implementation of policies, to evaluate their impact, to rationally allocate funding and to create new financing models.

Despite its manifold applications, Information systems currently face many problems such as incomplete recording, poor data quality, lack of timely reporting and feedback, and limited application of information. Corrective action is needed to upgrade data collection in outpatient facilities, to improve data quality, to establish clear rules and norms, to access adequate information technology equipment and to train health care personnel in data collection. Moreover, it is necessary to shift from mere administrative data collection to analysis, dissemination and use by relevant stakeholders and to develop a “culture of information” to dismantle the culture of intuition and mere tradition. Clinical directors, mental health managers, patient and family representatives, as well as politicians should be educated to operate with information and not just intuition.

Although financing represents a critical component of health system strengthening and also a defining concern of efforts to move towards universal health coverage, many countries lack the tools and capacity to plan effectively for service scale-up. As part of a multi-country collaborative study (the Emerald project), we set out to develop, test and apply a fully integrated health systems resource planning and health impact tool for mental, neurological and substance use (MNS) disorders.

A new module of the existing UN strategic planning OneHealth Tool was developed, which identifies health system resources required to scale-up a range of specified interventions for MNS disorders and also projects expected health gains at the population level. We conducted local capacity-building in its use, as well as stakeholder consultations, then tested and calibrated all model parameters, and applied the tool to three priority mental and neurological disorders (psychosis, depression and epilepsy) in six low- and middle-income countries.

Resource needs for scaling-up mental health services to reach desired coverage goals are substantial compared with the current allocation of resources in the six represented countries but are not large in absolute terms. In four of the Emerald study countries (Ethiopia, India, Nepal and Uganda), the cost of delivering key interventions for psychosis, depression and epilepsy at existing treatment coverage is estimated at US$ 0.06–0.33 per capita of total population per year (in Nigeria and South Africa it is US$ 1.36–1.92). By comparison, the projected cost per capita at target levels of coverage approaches US$ 5 per capita in Nigeria and South Africa, and ranges from US$ 0.14–1.27 in the other four countries. Implementation of such a package of care at target levels of coverage is expected to yield between 291 and 947 healthy life years per one million populations, which represents a substantial health gain for the currently neglected and underserved sub-populations suffering from psychosis, depression and epilepsy.

This newly developed and validated module of OneHealth tool can be used, especially within the context of integrated health planning at the national level, to generate contextualised estimates of the resource needs, costs and health impacts of scaled-up mental health service delivery.

Population surveys have become a frequently used method to explore stigma, help-seeking and illness beliefs related to mental illness. Methodological quality however differs greatly between studies, and our current knowledge seems heavily biased towards high-income countries. A critical appraisal of advances and shortcomings of psychiatric attitude research is missing. This review summarises and appraises the state of the art in population-based attitude research on mental health.

Systematic review of all peer-reviewed papers reporting representative population studies on beliefs and attitudes about mental disorders published between January 2005 and December 2014 (n = 478).

Over the decade covered by this review considerably more papers on psychiatric attitude research have been published than over the whole time period before. Most papers originated in Europe (36.3%), North America (23.2%) and Australia (22.6%), only 14.6% of all papers included data from low- or middle income countries. The vast majority of papers (80.1%) used correlational cross-sectional analyses, only 4% used experimental or quasi-experimental designs. Data in 45.9% of all papers were obtained with face-to-face interviews, followed by telephone (34.5%), mail (7.3%) and online surveys (4.0%). In almost half of papers (44.6%) case-vignettes served as stimulus for eliciting responses from interviewees. In 20.7% instruments meeting established psychometric criteria were used. The most frequently studied disorder was depression (44.6% of all paper), followed by schizophrenia (33%). 11.7% of papers reported time trend analyses of attitudes and beliefs, 7.5% cross-cultural comparisons. The most common focus of research was on mental health literacy (in total 63.4% of all papers, followed by various forms of stigma (48.3%).There was a scarcity of papers (12.1%) based on established theoretical frameworks.

In the current boom of attitude research, an avant-garde of studies uses profound and innovative methodology, but there are still blind spots and a large proportion of conventional studies. We discuss current and future methodological challenges that psychiatric attitude research needs to embrace. More innovative and methodologically sound studies are needed to provide an empirical basis for evidence-based interventions aimed at reducing misconceptions about mental disorders and improve attitudes towards those afflicted.

To update and expand on a 2012 systematic review of the prevalence and risk of violence and the prevalence and risk of physical, mental and sexual health problems among trafficked people.

Systematic review and meta-analysis. Searches of 15 electronic databases of peer-reviewed articles and doctoral theses were supplemented by reference screening, citation tracking of included articles and expert recommendations. Studies were included if they reported on the prevalence or risk of violence while trafficked, or the prevalence or risk of physical, mental or sexual health outcomes among people who have been trafficked. Two reviewers independently screened papers for eligibility and appraised the quality of included studies.

Thirty-seven papers reporting on 31 studies were identified. The majority of studies were conducted in low and middle-income countries with women and girls trafficked into the sex industry. There is limited but emerging evidence on the health of trafficked men and the health consequences of trafficking into different forms of exploitation. Studies indicate that trafficked women, men and children experience high levels of violence and report significant levels of physical health symptoms, including headaches, stomach pain and back pain. Most commonly reported mental health problems include depression, anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder. Although serological data on sexually transmitted infections are limited, women and girls trafficked for sexual exploitation self-report symptoms suggestive of a high prevalence of infections. Limitations of the review include methodological weaknesses of primary studies and some differences in definition and operationalisation of trafficking, which hinder comparability and generalisability of the results.

There is increasing evidence human trafficking is associated with high prevalence and increased risk of violence and a range of physical and mental health problems. Although more studies have emerged in recent years reporting on the health of trafficked men and people trafficked for forms of exploitation other than in the sex industry, further research is needed in this area. Appropriate interventions and support services to address the multiple and serious medical needs, especially mental health, of trafficked people are urgently needed.

Psychiatry as science is underpinned by paradigms. Considering whether a social paradigm may help to advance the current state of psychiatry, the review provides a reference to the rich, but fragmented past of related initiatives in the history of psychiatry and a personal view of themes, challenges and perspectives of using a social paradigm in psychiatry.

Major themes are the evidence on social determinants of mental health; the value-based importance of integrating people with mental disorders in society; options to overcome the social isolation and improve the networks of psychiatric patients; utilising a systemic approach for interventions in families and communities; and understanding group and one-to-one treatments in psychiatry primarily as social interactions. Whilst all these themes open up perspectives for future action and/or research, there are also conceptual challenges through the limitations of the current construct of mental disorders and the dominating terminology.

Initiatives for using a social paradigm in psychiatry may refer to important achievements in the past, but need to go beyond this and consider on-going societal changes.

Innovation may benefit from close collaboration with social sciences and humanities.

This paper is based on a report commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which aims to provide information on cultural aspects of mental health and psychosocial wellbeing relevant to care and support for Syrians affected by the crisis. This paper aims to inform mental health and psychosocial support (MHPSS) staff of the mental health and psychosocial wellbeing issues facing Syrians who are internally displaced and Syrian refugees.

We conducted a systematic literature search designed to capture clinical, social science and general literature examining the mental health of the Syrian population. The main medical, psychological and social sciences databases (e.g. Medline, PubMed, PsycInfo) were searched (until July 2015) in Arabic, English and French language sources. This search was supplemented with web-based searches in Arabic, English and French media, and in assessment reports and evaluations, by nongovernmental organisations, intergovernmental organisations and agencies of the United Nations. This search strategy should not be taken as a comprehensive review of all issues related to MHPSS of Syrians as some unpublished reports and evaluations were not reviewed.

Conflict affected Syrians may experience a wide range of mental health problems including (1) exacerbations of pre-existing mental disorders; (2) new problems caused by conflict related violence, displacement and multiple losses; as well as (3) issues related to adaptation to the post-emergency context, for example living conditions in the countries of refuge. Some populations are particularly vulnerable such as men and women survivors of sexual or gender based violence, children who have experienced violence and exploitation and Syrians who are lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender or intersex. Several factors influence access to MHPSS services including language barriers, stigma associated with seeking mental health care and the power dynamics of the helping relationship. Trust and collaboration can be maximised by ensuring a culturally safe environment, respectful of diversity and based on mutual respect, in which the perspectives of clients and their families can be carefully explored.

Sociocultural knowledge and cultural competency can improve the design and delivery of interventions to promote mental health and psychosocial wellbeing of Syrians affected by armed conflict and displacement, both within Syria and in countries hosting refugees from Syria.

Clinicians need guidance to address the heterogeneity of treatment responses of patients with major depressive disorder (MDD). While prediction schemes based on symptom clustering and biomarkers have so far not yielded results of sufficient strength to inform clinical decision-making, prediction schemes based on big data predictive analytic models might be more practically useful.

We review evidence suggesting that prediction equations based on symptoms and other easily-assessed clinical features found in previous research to predict MDD treatment outcomes might provide a foundation for developing predictive analytic clinical decision support models that could help clinicians select optimal (personalised) MDD treatments. These methods could also be useful in targeting patient subsamples for more expensive biomarker assessments.

Approximately two dozen baseline variables obtained from medical records or patient reports have been found repeatedly in MDD treatment trials to predict overall treatment outcomes (i.e., intervention v. control) or differential treatment outcomes (i.e., intervention A v. intervention B). Similar evidence has been found in observational studies of MDD persistence-severity. However, no treatment studies have yet attempted to develop treatment outcome equations using the full set of these predictors. Promising preliminary empirical results coupled with recent developments in statistical methodology suggest that models could be developed to provide useful clinical decision support in personalised treatment selection. These tools could also provide a strong foundation to increase statistical power in focused studies of biomarkers and MDD heterogeneity of treatment response in subsequent controlled trials.

Coordinated efforts are needed to develop a protocol for systematically collecting information about established predictors of heterogeneity of MDD treatment response in large observational treatment studies, applying and refining these models in subsequent pragmatic trials, carrying out pooled secondary analyses to extract the maximum amount of information from these coordinated studies, and using this information to focus future discovery efforts in the segment of the patient population in which continued uncertainty about treatment response exists.

People with serious mental illness are increasingly turning to popular social media, including Facebook, Twitter or YouTube, to share their illness experiences or seek advice from others with similar health conditions. This emerging form of unsolicited communication among self-forming online communities of patients and individuals with diverse health concerns is referred to as peer-to-peer support. We offer a perspective on how online peer-to-peer connections among people with serious mental illness could advance efforts to promote mental and physical wellbeing in this group.

In this commentary, we take the perspective that when an individual with serious mental illness decides to connect with similar others online it represents a critical point in their illness experience. We propose a conceptual model to illustrate how online peer-to-peer connections may afford opportunities for individuals with serious mental illness to challenge stigma, increase consumer activation and access online interventions for mental and physical wellbeing.

People with serious mental illness report benefits from interacting with peers online from greater social connectedness, feelings of group belonging and by sharing personal stories and strategies for coping with day-to-day challenges of living with a mental illness. Within online communities, individuals with serious mental illness could challenge stigma through personal empowerment and providing hope. By learning from peers online, these individuals may gain insight about important health care decisions, which could promote mental health care seeking behaviours. These individuals could also access interventions for mental and physical wellbeing delivered through social media that could incorporate mutual support between peers, help promote treatment engagement and reach a wider demographic. Unforeseen risks may include exposure to misleading information, facing hostile or derogatory comments from others, or feeling more uncertain about one's health condition. However, given the evidence to date, the benefits of online peer-to-peer support appear to outweigh the potential risks.

Future research must explore these opportunities to support and empower people with serious mental illness through online peer networks while carefully considering potential risks that may arise from online peer-to-peer interactions. Efforts will also need to address methodological challenges in the form of evaluating interventions delivered through social media and collecting objective mental and physical health outcome measures online. A key challenge will be to determine whether skills learned from peers in online networks translate into tangible and meaningful improvements in recovery, employment, or mental and physical wellbeing in the offline world.

Suppose you are the developer of a new therapy for a mental health problem or you have several years of experience working with such a therapy, and you would like to prove that it is effective. Randomised trials have become the gold standard to prove that interventions are effective, and they are used by treatment guidelines and policy makers to decide whether or not to adopt, implement or fund a therapy.

You would want to do such a randomised trial to get your therapy disseminated, but in reality your clinical experience already showed you that the therapy works. How could you do a trial in order to optimise the chance of finding a positive effect?

Methods that can help include a strong allegiance towards the therapy, anything that increases expectations and hope in participants, making use of the weak spots of randomised trials (risk of bias), small sample sizes and waiting list control groups (but not comparisons with existing interventions). And if all that fails one can always not publish the outcomes and wait for positive trials.

Several methods are available to help you show that your therapy is effective, even when it is not.

To discuss the potential usefulness of a public health approach for ‘mental health and psychosocial support’ (MHPSS) interventions in humanitarian settings.

Building on public mental health terminology in accordance with recent literature on this topic and considering existing international consensus guidelines on MHPSS interventions in humanitarian settings, this paper reflects on the relevance of the language of promotion and prevention for supporting the rationale, design and evaluation of interventions, with a particular focus on populations affected by disasters and conflicts in low- and middle-income countries.

A public mental health approach and associated terminology can form a useful framework in the design and evaluation of MHPSS interventions, and may contribute to reducing a divisive split between ‘mental health’ and ‘psychosocial’ practice in the humanitarian field. Many of the most commonly implemented MHPSS interventions in humanitarian settings can be described in terms of promotion and prevention terminology.

The use of a common terminology across health, protection, education, nutrition and other relevant sectors providing humanitarian interventions has the potential to allow for integration of MHPSS activities in one overall framework, with diverse humanitarian practitioners working to achieve a common goal.

The aim of this study is to estimate the lifetime and 12-month prevalence, severity and treatment of Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders fourth edition (DSM-IV) mental disorders in Japan based on the final data set of the World Mental Health Japan Survey conducted in 2002–2006.

Face-to-face household interviews of 4130 respondents who were randomly selected from Japanese-speaking residents aged 20 years or older were conducted from 2002 to 2006 in 11 community populations in Japan (overall response rate, 56%). The World Mental Health version of the World Health Organization Composite International Diagnostic Interview (WMH-CIDI), a fully structured, lay administered psychiatric diagnostic interview, was used for diagnostic assessment.

Lifetime/12-month prevalence of any DSM-IV common mental disorders in Japan was estimated to be 20.3/7.6%. Rank-order of four classes of mental disorders was anxiety disorders (8.1/4.9%), substance disorders (7.4/1.0%), mood disorders (6.5/2.3%) and impulse control disorders (2.0/0.7%). The most common individual disorders were alcohol abuse/dependence (7.3/0.9%), major depressive disorder (6.1/2.2%), specific phobia (3.4/2.3%) and generalized anxiety disorder (2.6/1.3%). While the lifetime prevalence of any mental disorder was greater for males and the middle-aged, the persistence (proportion of 12-month cases among lifetime cases) of any mental disorder was greater for females and younger respondents. Among those with any 12-month disorder, 15.3% were classified as severe, 44.1% moderate and 40.6% mild. Although a strong association between severity and service use was found, only 21.9% of respondents with any 12-month disorder sought treatment within the last 12 months; only 37.0% of severe cases received medical care. The mental health specialty sector was the most common resource used in Japan. Although the prevalence of mental disorders were quite low, mental disorders were the second most prevalent cause of severe role impairment among chronic physical and mental disorders.

These results suggest lower prevalence of mental disorders in Japan than that in Western countries, although the general pattern of disorders, risk factors and unmet need for treatment were similar to those in other countries. Greater lifetime prevalence for males and greater persistence for females seems a unique feature of Japan, suggesting a cultural difference in gender-related etiology and course of disorders. The treatment rate in Japan was lower than that in most other high-income countries in WMH surveys.

This paper aims to provide an overview of evidence from low- and middle-income countries (LAMICs) worldwide to address: the nature of stigma and discrimination, relevant context-specific factors, global patterns of these phenomena and their measurement and quantitative and qualitative evidence of interventions intended to reduce their occurrence and impact. The background to this study is that the large majority of studies concerned with identifying effective interventions to reduce stigma and discrimination originate in high-income countries (HICs). This paper therefore presents such evidence from, and relevant to, LAMICs.

Conceptual overview of the relevant peer-reviewed and grey literature on stigma and discrimination related to mental illness in LAMICs are available in English, Spanish, French and Russian.

Few intervention studies were identified related to stigma re-education in LAMICs. None of these addressed behaviour change/discrimination, and there were no long-term follow-up studies. There is therefore insufficient evidence at present to know which overall types of intervention may be effective and feasible and in LAMICs, how best to target key groups such as healthcare staff, and how far they may need to be locally customised to be acceptable for large-scale use in these settings. In particular, forms of social contacts, which have been shown to be the most effective intervention to reduce stigma among adults in HICs, have not yet been assessed sufficiently to know whether these methods are also effective in LAMICs.

Generating information about effective interventions to reduce stigma and discrimination in LAMICs is now an important mental health priority worldwide.

The aetiology of depression is not fully understood, which allows many different perspectives on aetiology to be adopted. Researchers and clinicians may be attracted to concepts of aetiology that parallel other diagnoses with which they are familiar. Such parallels may assume the role of informal models or metaphors for depressive disorders. They may even function as informal scientific theories of aetiology, energising research activities by guiding hypothesis generation and organising new knowledge. Parallels between different types of disease may ultimately prove valuable as frameworks supporting the emergence and maturation of new knowledge. However, such models may be counterproductive if their basis, which is likely to lay at least partially in analogy, is unacknowledged or overlooked. This could cause such models to appear more compelling than they really are. Listing examples of situations in which models of depression may arise from, or be strengthened by, parallels to other familiar conditions may increase the accessibility of such models either to criticism or support. However, such a list has not yet appeared in the literature. The present paper was written with the modest goal of stating several examples of models or metaphors for depression.

This paper adopted narrative review methods. The intention was not to produce a comprehensive list of such ideas, but rather to identify prominent examples of ways of thinking about depression that may have been invigorated as a result parallels with other types of disease.

Eight possible models are identified: depressive disorders as chemical imbalances (e.g., a presumed or theoretical imbalance of normally balanced neurotransmission in the brain), degenerative conditions (e.g., a brain disease characterised by atrophy of specified brain structures), toxicological syndromes (a result of exposure to a noxious psychological environment), injuries (e.g., externally induced brain damage related to stress), deficiency states (e.g., a serotonin deficiency), an obsolete category (e.g., similar to obsolete terms such as ‘consumption’ or ‘dropsy’), medical mysteries (e.g., a condition poised for a paradigm-shifting breakthrough) or evolutionary vestiges (residual components of once adaptive mechanisms have become maladaptive in modern environments).

Conceptualisation of depressive disorders may be partially shaped by familiar disease concepts. Analogies of this sort may ultimately be productive (e.g., through generating hypotheses by analogy) or destructive (e.g., by structuring knowledge in incorrect, but intellectually seductive, ways).

Mortality-associated burden of disease estimates from the Global Burden of Disease 2010 (GBD 2010) may erroneously lead to the interpretation that premature death in people with mental, neurological and substance use disorders (MNSDs) is inconsequential when evidence shows that people with MNSDs experience a significant reduction in life expectancy. We explore differences between cause-specific and excess mortality of MNSDs estimated by GBD 2010.

GBD 2010 cause-specific death estimates were produced using the International Classification of Diseases death-coding system. Excess mortality (all-cause) was estimated using natural history models. Additional mortality attributed to MNSDs as underlying causes but not captured through GBD 2010 methodology is quantified in the comparative risk assessments.

In GBD 2010, MNSDs were estimated to be directly responsible for 840 000 deaths compared with more than 13 million excess deaths using natural history models.

Numbers of excess deaths and attributable deaths clearly demonstrate the high degree of mortality associated with these disorders. There is substantial evidence pointing to potential causal pathways for this premature mortality with evidence-based interventions available to address this mortality. The life expectancy gap between persons with MNSDs and the general population is high and should be a focus for health systems reform.

Interest in features of our local environments that may promote better mental health and wellbeing continues to rise among decision makers. Our purpose was to highlight a selection of these challenges and some promising avenues for enhancing the quality of evidence.

An analysis of approximately 267, 000 people was used to test the local relative deprivation hypothesis, wherein the shortfall of a person's socioeconomic circumstances from their neighbours is said to impact negatively upon mental health. This case was used to anchor further discussion of challenges to identifying and interpreting genuine ‘place effects’ from spurious correlations.

A Median Odds Ratio of 1.29 computed via multilevel logistic regression showed that the odds of experiencing psychological distress (as measured by the Kessler score) varied by geographical area. Approximately 67% of this was attributed to a cross-classified measure of household income and neighbourhood deprivation. Compared to people on high incomes living in affluent neighbourhoods, the odds ratio of psychological distress for people on low incomes in affluent areas was 4.73 (95% confidence interval (95% CI) 4.39, 5.09), whereas that for people on low incomes in deprived areas was significantly higher at 5.83 (95% CI 5.41, 6.28).

While no evidence was found to support local relative deprivation hypothesis, the pattern suggests that more affluent areas may contain features that are conducive to better mental health. Selection of bespoke geographical boundaries, use of directed acyclic graphs and more evaluations of natural experiments are likely to be important in taking the field of enquiry onwards.