This paper examines the governance of hydroelectric dam planning in Brazil with a particular focus on two factors: first, governmental institutions that aim to provide participatory mechanisms for civil society, and second, new participatory institutions created by civil society to remedy the lack of meaningful participatory measures. One example of the latter are new collaborative research projects, which have changed dam building policies and governmental thinking about participation. It is argued here that these kinds of collaboration are fundamental to making dam-building policy more accountable to local citizens. The analysis demonstrates that lay/expert collaborations provide pathways through which affected people can contest inaccurate official scientific reports, in turn influencing the policy process. I examine six such participatory projects across the country: four are nationally based and two are international in scope. A four-pronged typology is used to analyse the processes and outcomes of these collaborations. This typology reveals multiple types of knowledge-sharing that constitute concrete means to implement participation in environmental policy, hence advancing the democratisation of environmental governance.

This article analyses the intellectual and political activities of the newly-created consulados and Economic Societies in Spanish America between 1780 and 1810. It argues that these institutions decisively shaped both the formulation and implementation of metropolitan policy. Colonial elites used the consulados and Economic Societies as a vehicle to pursue licensed privilege and moderate, incremental reform in the context of a revivified, socio-economically stable Old Regime. They embraced the Bourbon reforms and used them to their advantage. Judging from consulado documents, the prevailing relationship between civil society and the state in Spanish America, at least until the late 1790s, was amicable and mutually supportive. After that time, mainly due to the disruption of Atlantic commerce, close co-operation gave way to conflict, but always within the framework of a cohesive empire. Drawing on archives in Argentina, Chile, Cuba and Spain, this essay traces the coalescence of numerous local intelligentsias that collaborated, to varying degrees, in the renovation of imperial governance and, simultaneously, incubated a robust public sphere in the nascent polities which gradually emerged after the collapse of Spanish royal authority in 1808.

This article explores the achievements of industrialisation in Latin America in the period before 1930, the date traditionally considered to be the start of the ISI process. It analyses the development of a basic industrial sector, the cement industry, which was driven by a natural substitution of imports. It quantifies the expansion of demand in each of the countries in the region, and then moves on to consider the growth of the industry in Latin America in the period between 1900 and 1930. Although cement consumption grew briskly, particularly in the most underdeveloped economies, disparities in levels of consumption and production among countries in the region continued to be very great in 1930, while the gap between Latin America and the most industrialised economies grew slightly.

This article assesses the political and socio-economic consequences of the Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) in Honduras. The analysis deploys several techniques, including poverty narratives, stakeholder analysis and taxonomy analysis, and is also based on quantitative and qualitative data, including socio-economic indicators, PRS spending execution and interviews with stakeholders. It argues that in Honduras the PRS constituted a missed opportunity to expand the political space in which poverty reduction plans are formulated and to deliver pro-poor growth. The inclusion of multiple actors with different interests, capacities and influence led to an emphasis on constructing consensus, but this was too imprecise to enable a clear set of priorities to be articulated, let alone a pro-poor growth agenda. The article concludes that by unilaterally shifting the growth pillar of the PRS towards infrastructure investments and trade integration, Honduras may have sacrificed an opportunity to support a truly participatory democratic process leading to effective pro-poor policies.

Washington's challenge during George W. Bush's presidency was to define a new relationship with Latin America beyond free trade and neoliberal economics – a relationship responsive to the region's demand for social and economic justice. Preoccupied by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Bush administration failed this challenge. The president left his Latin American policy in the hands of conservative cold warriors who reacted with hostility to the election of ‘new left’ socialists and populists. As a result, Washington's reputation and relations in Latin America deteriorated dramatically.