Social security for the unemployed was not designed to cope either with large-scale or long-term unemployment and recent developments in the structure of unemployment and in social security policy give rise to concern for the living standards of the unemployed, especially the long-term unemployed. This article draws on data from the Family Finances Survey to assess the living standards of the unemployed after various durations of unemployment and compare these with the living standards of families with low incomes from work. The measures of living standards used are income, expenditure and the availability of consumer durables. The implications of the findings for social security policy are discussed.

The European Commission in Brussels ran a Poverty Programme of action projects and cross-national studies from 1975–80. An evaluation agency was set up by the Commission and carried out an evaluation of the Programme during 1979–80. This paper draws upon the experiences of that exercise in order to examine the concept and the practical implementation of a cross-national evaluation. It explores the political context of evaluation and the dilemmas and obstacles this poses for the evaluator. An evaluation exercise is an intrusion into the existing pattern of relationships among the various participants in the programme concerned. They will typically see it as an attempt at improved scrutiny and political control by its instigators – and the evaluator will therefore face a diplomatic as well as a technical task, particular vis-à-vis those participants upon whom he is dependent for the preparation of his report. This diplomacy will not take place in a vacuum, however, and its course will depend crucially upon the wider political context within which the future of the programme is being decided.

This article looks at income maintenance pressure groups in Britain (the ‘poverty lobby’) and provides an assessment of their impact on policy in the 1970s. It is based on focused interviews with the leaders of 42 national pressure groups, MPs, Ministers, and senior civil servants. There is a discussion of conceptual and methodological problems involved in measuring effectiveness and a review of the theoretical literature on the role of pressure groups in the British political system. The study adopts a reputational approach to measuring effectiveness rather than a series of case studies. A number of specific successes are highlighted as well as examples of ‘agenda changing’ by groups. An explanation is provided in terms of the environment within which groups were operating, the strategies they adopted, and the resources they had available. The state of the economy was a particularly important factor in the 1970s as was the ability of groups to undertake joint action and form alliances with producer interests. The article concludes that the groups in the 1970s were influential rather than powerful and had more effect in the first part of the decade than at the end.

This paper looks critically at a central notion of the Marxist analysis of social policy – the contradictions of welfare. Two main variants of the argument are identified: the ‘paradox’ and ‘opposite effect’ contradictions respectively. Serious doubts are raised about the viability of a Marxist analysis of social policy which relies on the concept of the contradictions of the welfare state.

This paper investigates two issues of equity in the receipt of the home help service, one about territorial justice, the other about sex discrimination. It uses GHS data for 1980. An argument is developed about the efficiency with which services are targeted on persons who by normative criteria would appear to have most need of them. Efficiency is of two types: horizontal efficiency, the proportion of persons judged in need who receive services; and vertical efficiency, the proportion of services allocated to persons judged in need. The findings are that there is evidence of inequity both between different areas and between the sexes. Metropolitan areas are advantaged compared with rural areas, and this cannot be explained by differences in social support nor by the availability of other domiciliary services. Among the elderly living alone, neither sex is advantaged, but in elderly married couple households the home help service is more frequently provided in the case of a husband caring for a disabled wife than in the case of a wife caring for a disabled husband.

The approved societies, who were charged with the administration of health insurance in Britain, have long been blamed for the failure of the scheme to expand its coverage or scope in the interwar period. This paper takes a closer look at the administrative process and argues that societies were more vulnerable to central regulation than is commonly thought and were unable to resist cuts in public subsidies and extensions in liability introduced at their expense. They provided a convenient scapegoat for policies emanating primarily from the economic orthodoxy subscribed to by both government and the Treasury, modified to protect the unemployed during the slump. Health insurance policy was dominated to a large extent by the Government Actuary, who aimed to guarantee the cost effectiveness of the scheme. This paper also shows how administrative definitions and practices affected the classification of claimants to state social insurance at this time. It re-establishes the major weaknesses of the system, arguing that – in the light of recent discussions about reviving a system of national health insurance – we have much to learn from looking again at the experience of the interwar period.

The discussion of health inequalities in Britain (e.g. in the Black Report) has been conducted largely on the basis of social class mortality differentials measured by achieved social class and not by social class of origin. It is shown in this paper that social class mortality differentials by achieved social class are not invariant to the rate of social mobility and that the use of them is likely to result in a biased measure of trends in health inequalities when the absolute rate of social mobility varies over time. It is further shown that if, as is likely, health status is a factor systematically affecting the probability for an individual of upward or downward social mobility, then an increase in the rate of social mobility may well result in constant or widening social class mortality differentials by achieved social class even if the differentials are narrowing when measured by social class of origin. It is claimed that this process may well explain why the observed social class mortality differentials, which are measured by achieved social class, have not fallen in Britain during the post-1945 period.

It is commonly argued that council housing in Britain is becoming a residual service. This paper explores the various dimensions of residualization such as the size of the council house sector, the quality of the service, the characteristics of tenants and the nature of the stock. Whilst changes in these areas are significant it is suggested that we must look beyond housing processes to fully understand the downgrading of council housing. Specifically it is argued that explanations must take account of questions of economic and political powerlessness, the marginalization of certain sections of the working class from the labour market and the uneven impact of the recession.

The period from 1860 to 1870 saw the growth of a campaign to persuade the Poor Law Board to accept the practice of boarding-out pauper children. This paper examines the nature of the requests made to the board and the responses they elicited. The deterrent aspects of the New Poor Law and the difficulty of securing proper supervision of foster placements were the main objections raised in the board's office. Changes occurred through the direct intervention of George Goschen, appointed president in 1868. The campaign for boarding-out saw not only some success in their direct efforts, but increased the role played by women in poor law administration.

In 1979 the House of Commons Select Committee system was reformed with a view to strengthening the powers of the Legislature over the Executive. The Social Services Committee is one of fourteen new Select Committees and has the responsibility to scrutinize the performance of the DHSS, to evaluate policies which are relevant to the Department and to publish the results of its investigatory enquiries. Thus, by reviewing policies and by making recommendations for reform, the Social Services Committee has the potential to play a significant role in the development of existing policies as well as in determining the shape of future ones. This article begins by providing a brief account of the reformed Select Committee structure in order to set in context the functions and performance of the Social Services Committee. It then examines the role and contributions of members, the chairman and the specialist advisers before proceeding to look at some of the Committee's activities. The article concludes by considering the impact of the Social Services Committee upon current DHSS policies and assessing its contribution to the wider policy making environment.

This article examines the administrative response to one of the less obvious consequences of the depression of the 1930s: the rapid increase in the number of vagrants. Statistics and other evidence suggest a positive correlation between unemployment and vagrancy (measured by admissions to the poor law casual wards). Officials appear to have been unwilling to acknowledge this relationship. Yet, during this period, greater emphasis began to be placed on the rehabilitation of the vagrant, as opposed to the deterrence characteristic of the poor law. This was presented as a significant measure of reform – although, in practice, little change took place at this time. Research into departmental records, however, shows that this review of the treatment of the vagrant was a response to a process which had its roots in financial and administrative priorities.

The social policy of the Thatcher government is characterized by an abrupt shift in the direction of the private sector. To what extent does this reflect what people want? The Institute of Economic Affairs conclude from the only suitable national opinion survey that such a move is strongly supported. Our reanalysis of their data shows that this strand in public opinion can coexist with, and need not contradict, an equal public enthusiasm for state welfare. Such results have important implications for our understanding of social policy. We conclude, therefore, with a discussion of contrasting marxist and liberal accounts which seeks to show that the evidence of ambivalence in popular attitudes about the welfare state supports particular developments in theory.

In social policy research the gender dimension has been relatively neglected in Britain. The attempt to selectively reduce public spending is examined with reference to its objective impact on men and women using official statistics and specialist reports. In addition, on the basis of a large-scale interview survey the subjective impact of and political reactions to the cuts are analysed by gender. The main findings are that this current social policy negatively affects women as both public sector workers and consumers more than men. Political reactions to the cuts were extensive but unrelated to gender per se. However, when one controls for economic activity and related variables, gender differences in terms of both political attitudes and behaviour were insignificant compared to the contrast between the economically active and inactive. The main social policy implication is that the restructuring of the welfare state hits women first and foremost.

The academic study of social policies has long been characterized by sympathetic reception of descriptions of social policies which are the outcome of methods of analysis developed in the academic study of history, sociology, economics, philosophy, and so on. However, cosy as such sympathy may be, it is time to move on. We may all agree that each of these methods of analysis, and others, separately or in combination, has something to offer; it is remarkably difficult to say precisely what. Studies of the study of social policies are too rare. Culyer has offered an account of what the methods of economic analysis do and might further yield (1981). Here I discuss what might be expected from philosophical analysis. I describe the two main contending conceptions of philosophical analysis in the Western tradition, drawing out their implications for the relation between philosophical analysis and the study of social policies. The importance of such analysis of what may be called ‘the conceptual aspect’ of social policies is illustrated by reference to recent discussion of the welfare state and of social need.

Considerable debate has taken place as to the nature of social need and ways in which it can best be identified in individual people, but little attention has focussed on the way assessments of need are used in the process of policy formation. The article takes Jonathan Bradshaw's commonly quoted taxonomy of social need and assesses its strengths and weaknesses for use in a practical policy making setting, that of assessment of need for sheltered housing for elderly people by a district housing authority. Some fundamental problems associated with Bradshaw's approach are then discussed, together with those arising from use of a term such as need in the process of policy formation.

The extreme dispersion of authority and power in the American political system fosters a politics of bargaining, negotiation, and compromise. Nevertheless, technical-rational analysis plays a major role in the identification of public problems and in the legitimation of official responses. We explore this apparent paradox through an examination of the interaction between politics, ideology and analysis in the current crisis of the American public retirement system. Two analytical approaches are employed: an interpretation of the historical evolution of the programme through three relatively distinct phases; and an evaluation of the reports of three recent national commissions which have studied the social security crisis. We argue that in the American system policy must be made through either subsystem or consensual politics. Social security has benefited from the unusual conjunction of these two conditions through most of its history. Policy has been made by a small subsystem dominated by the social security bureaucracy itself and the programme has received widespread bipartisan support. Analysis has been central to this process, but its impact has differed over time. Analysis exerted a decisive influence on the initial shape of the programme even in the absence of an ideological consensus because it enjoyed a quasi-monopoly position in the President's Committee on Economic Security. During the long expansionary phase of the programme, subsystem autonomy and bipartisan consensus together fostered the emergence of a technocratic policy style, but the independent effects of analysis were more apparent than real. The contemporary commissions fail to provide an adequate response to the crisis because their technically competent proposals no longer rest on an underlying consensus and because the institutional autonomy of the old social security policymaking subsystem has broken down.

President Ronald Reagan brought a new circus to town in 1981. He billed it as offering never-before-seen, awe-inspiring acts of skill and daring, with demand-side management by ‘rational expectations monetarists’ and supply-side engineering by ‘new economists’, the performers in the centre ring would tame inflation and usher in permanent growth. Others would increase defence expenditures while cutting taxes and balancing the budget all at one and the same time without hurting the ‘truly needy’ or weakening the legitimate ‘safety nets’ of the ‘merely seedy’. The grand finale would bring forth the problem-saving capacities of states and localities as well as private philanthropies, all of which had been ‘crowded out’, according to Reagan, by an overspending, overtaxing, over-regulating, problem-causing federal government, which had been the featured performer in previous, not very successful ‘great shows’ in Washington.