Published online by Cambridge University Press: 26 September 2016
The understanding of Angkorian pre-state society has been greatly enhanced by an increase in archaeological investigation in recent years. From excavations conducted at Cambodian Iron Age sites we have evidence that attests to a transformative period characterised by increasing sociopolitical complexity, intensified inter- and trans-regional mercantile activity, differential access to resources, social conflict, technological transfer and developments in site morphology. Among the growing corpus of Iron Age sites excavated, Phum Lovea, on the periphery of Angkor, is uniquely placed to provide insight into increasing sociopolitical complexity in this area. The site is one of the few prehistoric moated settlements known in Cambodia and the only one to date to have been excavated. Excavation of the site has revealed an Iron Age agrarian settlement whose occupants engaged in trade and exchange networks, craft specialisation, metal production, and emergent water management strategies. These attributes can be seen as antecedent to the profound developments that characterise the first millennium CE polity centred on Angkor.
1 Lovea is located at latitude 103° 42′ 47.0″ and longitude 13° 29′ 04.4″.
2 Coe, Michael, Angkor and the Khmer civilization (London: Thames and Hudson, 2005)Google Scholar.
3 Higham, Charles, The civilisation of Angkor (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002)Google Scholar; O'Reilly, Dougald, Early civilizations of Southeast Asia (Lanham: Alta Mira, 2007)Google Scholar; Day, Mary Beth et al. , ‘Paleoenvironmental history of the West Baray, Angkor (Cambodia)’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 109, 4 (2014): 1046–51Google Scholar.
4 Malleret, Louis, ‘Ouvrages circulaires en terre dan l'Indochine méridionale’, BEFEO 49, 2 (1959): 409–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
5 Christophe Pottier, ‘Carte archéologique de la Région d'Angkor. Zone Sud’ (Ph.D. diss., Universite Paris III, Sorbonne Nouvelle, 1999).
6 Dumarçay, Jacques and Smithies, Michael, Architecture and its models in South-East Asia (Bangkok: Orchid, 2003)Google Scholar.
7 Scott Hawken, ‘Metropolis of ricefields: A topographic classification of a dispersed urban complex’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Sydney, 2011).
8 The first excavation in 2011 to 2012 was 8 by 8 m, aligned north–south, located in the centre of the village. A second excavation unit was investigated on the mound at Phum Lovea in 2012 to 2013, located 60 m south of the first unit on a bearing of 351 degrees. Unit 2 was 3 m by 8 m running east–west lengthways.
9 At 94 per cent probability.
10 At 95.4 per cent probability.
11 Fallon, Stewart et al. , ‘The next chapter in radiocarbon dating at the Australian National University: Status report on the single stage AMS’, Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research B 268, 7–8 (2010): 898–901 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Table 1 lists the radiocarbon determinations for Unit 1. All of the samples submitted for dating were charcoal from in situ contexts. It has not been possible to rule out inbuilt age for these samples, but there was little option in terms of dating the site. Dating was undertaken at the Radiocarbon Dating Centre at the Australian National University.
12 LIDAR utilises a laser mounted on an aircraft to measure distance. The reflected light is analysed providing an accurate map of the surveyed terrain. The programme was designed and executed by the University of Sydney, with governmental support provided by the APSARA National Authority under the direction of HE Tan Boun Suy.
13 Evans, Damian et al. , ‘Uncovering archaeological landscapes at Angkor using LIDAR’, Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 110, 31 (2013): 12595–600CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.
14 Damian Evans, ‘Light Detection and Ranging (LIDAR) prospection at Lovea’, in ‘From paddy to pura: The origins of Angkor; The excavation of Phum Lovea, 2011–2013, A report to the APSARA Authority, Cambodia’, ed. Douglas O'Reilly and Louise Shewan, unpub. report, Siem Reap, 2013, pp. 63–73.
15 Aymonier, Etienne, Voyage dans le Laos, vol. 1 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1895)Google Scholar; Aymonier, E., Voyage dans le Laos, vol. 2 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1897)Google Scholar; Damrong Rajanubhap, H.P., Visitations in Monthon Nakhon Rajasima and Monthon Udon Isarn in Rattanakosin 125 and B.E. 2449 (in Thai) (Bangkok: Diskul Foundation, 1995)Google Scholar.
16 Nitta, Eiji, ‘Archaeological study on the ancient iron-smelting and salt-making industries in the northeast of Thailand: Preliminary report on the excavations of Non Yang and Ban Don Phlong’, Journal of Southeast Asian Archaeology 11 (1991): 1–46 Google Scholar.
17 Moore, Elizabeth, ‘Water enclosed sites: Links between Ban Takhong, Northeast Thailand and Cambodia’, in The gift of water: Water management, cosmology and the state in Southeast Asia, ed. Rigg, Jonathan (London: SOAS, 1992) pp. 26–46 Google Scholar; Moore, Elizabeth, ‘Ancient habitation on the Angkor Plain: Ban Takhong to Phum Reul’, Proceedings of l’École Pratique des Hautes Études Symposium (Paris: UNESCO; Sorbonne, 1993)Google Scholar.
18 Monkhonkamnuanket, N., Ban Prasat: An archaeological site (in Thai) (Bangkok: Fine Arts Department [FAD], 1992)Google Scholar.
19 Higham, Charles, ‘The late prehistory of the Southern Khorat Plateau, North East Thailand with particular reference to Roi Et province’, in Modern Quaternary Research in Southeast Asia 3, ed. Bartstra, Gert-Jan, Casparie, Willem A. and Glover, Ian (Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema, 1977) pp. 103–41Google Scholar.
20 Quarritch Wales, H.G., ‘An early Buddhist civilization in eastern Siam’, Journal of the Siam Society 45, 1 (1957): 42–60 Google Scholar; McNeill, Judith R., ‘Muang Phet: Quaritch Wales’ moated site excavations re-appraised’, Bulletin of the Indo-Pacific Prehistory Association [BIPPA] 10 (1997): 167–76Google Scholar.
21 O'Reilly, Dougald, ‘The discovery of clay-lined floors at an Iron Age site in Thailand: Preliminary observations from Non Muang Kao, Nakon Ratchasima province’, Journal of the Siam Society 85, 1 (1998): 1–14 Google Scholar.
22 Wichakana, Methadol, ‘Prehistoric sacrifices at Noen U-Loke’ (in Thai), Muang Boran 16, 4 (1991): 69–79 Google Scholar; The origins of the civilization of Angkor; vol. 2, The excavation of Noen U-Loke and Non Muang Kao, ed. Higham, Charles F.W., Kijngam, Amphan and Talbot, Sarah (Bangkok: FAD, 2007)Google Scholar.
23 The origins of the civilization of Angkor; vol. 6; The excavation of Ban Non Wat: The Iron Age, summary and conclusions, ed. Higham, Charles and Kijngam, Amphan (Bangkok: FAD, 2012)Google Scholar.
24 Wichakana, ‘Prehistoric sacrifices at Noen U-Loke’.
25 Higham, Charles, Early cultures of mainland Southeast Asia (Bangkok: River Books, 2002)Google Scholar.
26 Higham, Charles and Thosarat, Rachanie, ‘Ban Non Wat: The first three seasons’, Uncovering Southeast Asia's past: Selected papers from the 10th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists (Singapore: NUS Press, 2006), pp. 98–104 Google Scholar; Higham and Amphan, The excavation of Ban Non Wat.
27 Higham et al., The excavation of Noen U-Loke and Non Muang Kao; Higham, Charles, ‘The Iron Age of the Mun Valley, Thailand’, Antiquaries Journal 91 (2011): 101–44CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Higham and Amphan, The excavation of Ban Non Wat.
28 The size of the mound at Phum Lovea is c.6 ha and including the moats the site covers c.50 ha. At Noen U-Loke the mound is c.10 ha and with the moats covers c.23 ha and at Ban Non Wat the mound is c.9.5 ha and with the moats covers c.17 ha.
29 O'Reilly, Dougald, ‘Multivallate sites and socio-economic change: Thailand and Britain in their Iron Ages’, Antiquity 82 (2008): 377–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Reilly, Dougald, ‘Increasing complexity and the political economy model: A consideration of Iron Age moated settlements in Thailand’, Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 35 (2014): 297–309 Google Scholar.
30 Hawken, ‘Metropolis of ricefields’.
31 O'Reilly, Dougald, ‘Excavations at Phum Snay, Cambodia’, BIPPA 24, 2 (2004): 129–32Google Scholar.
32 Domett, Kathryn, O'Reilly, Dougald and Buckley, Hallie, ‘Bioarchaeological evidence of conflict in Iron Age, northwest Cambodia’, Antiquity 85, 328 (2011): 441–58Google Scholar.
33 Alison Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’, in O'Reilly and Shewan, From paddy to pura, pp. 25–36.
34 Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’.
35 The elemental composition of the beads was compared to samples of possible source materials of the beads to evaluate similarities and differences.
36 Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’.
37 Francis, Peter Jr., ‘Glass beads in Asia Part 2: Indo-Pacific Beads’, Asian Perspectives 29, 1 (1990): 1–23 Google Scholar; Francis, Peter Jr, Asia's maritime bead trade: 300 B.C. to the present (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002)Google Scholar.
38 Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’.
39 Dussubieux, Laure et al. , ‘Mineral soda alumina glass: Occurrence and meaning’, Journal of Archaeological Science 37, 7 (2010): 1646–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
40 Carter, Alison, ‘Trade and exchange networks in Iron Age Cambodia: Preliminary results from a compositional analysis of glass beads’, BIPPA 30 (2010): 178–88Google Scholar; Dussubieux et al., ‘Mineral soda alumina glass’; Lankton, James and Dussubieux, Laure, ‘Early glass in Southeast Asia’, in Modern methods for analysing archaeological and historic glass, ed. Koen, J. (West Sussex: Wiley and Sons, 2013), pp. 413–41Google Scholar.
41 Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’; Carter, ‘Trade and exchange networks in Iron Age Cambodia: Preliminary results from a compositional analysis of glass beads’; Alison Carter, ‘Trade, exchange, and sociopolitical development in Iron Age (500 BC–AD 500) mainland Southeast Asia: An examination of stone and glass beads from Cambodia and Thailand’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2013); Alison Carter and James Lankton, ‘Analysis and comparison of glass beads from Ban Non Wat And Noen U-Loke’, in Higham and Kijngam, The origins of the civilization of Angkor; vol. 6: The Iron Age, pp. 91–114.
42 Carter, ‘Analysis of the stone and glass beads from Lovea’.
43 Christophe Pottier et al., Mission Archéologique Franco–Khmère sur l'Aménagement du Territoire Angkorien (MAFKATA), Rapport de la Campagne 2003 (Siem Reap: APSARA-MAE–EFEO, 2003).
44 O'Reilly, Dougald, ‘Excavations at Phum Snay, Cambodia’, BIPPA 24, 2 (2004): 129–32Google Scholar.
45 Heng Sophady, pers. comm.
46 Miriam Stark, pers. comm.
47 Malleret, Louis, L'archeologie du Delta du Mekong, vol. 2; La civilisation matérielle d'Oc-Éo (Paris: EFEO, 1960)Google Scholar.
48 Desbat, Armand, ‘Le site de Kok Phneao, XVe siècle?’, in Programme CERANGKOR: Recherches sur les ateliers de potiers Angkoriens, ed. Desbat, A. (Siem Reap: EFEO, 2008), pp. 18–23 Google Scholar.
49 Donn Hein, pers. comm.
50 Jane Calthorpe and Kesornicole Pen, ‘Wat Bo: Earthenware ceramics; Inventory of ceramics from Phum Snay, Banteay Meanchey held at Wat Bo, Siem Reap, Cambodia’, unpub. report, Siem Reap, 2007.
51 95 per cent probability.
52 Schlosser, Sandra, Reinecke, Andreas, Schwab, Roland, Pernicka, Ernst, Seng, Sonetra, and Vin, Laychour, ‘Early Cambodian gold and silver from Prohear: Composition, trace elements and gilding’, Journal of Archaeological Science 39, 9 (2012): 2877–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reinecke, Andreas, Vin, Laychour and Seng, Sonetra, The first golden age of Cambodia (Bonn: German Foreign Office, 2009)Google Scholar.
53 Nigel Chang, pers. comm.
54 Roberto Ciarla, pers. comm.
55 Accession number CM.522–2000.
56 Lam Thi My Dzung, ‘Sa Huyhn regional and inter-regional interactions in the Thu Bon Valley, Quang Nam province, central Vietnam’, BIPPA 29 (2009): 68–75 Google Scholar.
57 Evans, ‘Light Detection and Ranging (LIDAR) Prospection at Lovea’.
58 Hawken, ‘Metropolis of ricefields’.
59 Ibid.
60 These sites include: Roka Krom, Roka Leu, Tumreung, Chuk, Chuo Chakrei, Pongro, Romiet, Tonle Sar, Lbaeuk, Sambour, and Kok Chan.
61 Hawken, ‘Metropolis of ricefields’, p. 158.
62 Ibid.
63 Louis Malleret, ‘L'Archéologie du Delta du Mekong; vol. 3, La culture du Fou-nan’ (Paris: EFEO, 1962), p. 112.
64 O'Reilly, Early civilizations of Southeast Asia.
65 O'Reilly, Dougald et al. , ‘Report on the 2003 excavation of the Iron Age site of Phum Snay, Cambodia’, Udaya 5 (2004): 219–25Google Scholar.
66 O'Reilly, ‘Increasing complexity and the political economy model’.
67 Fletcher, Roland et al. , ‘The development of the water management system of Angkor: A provisional model’, BIPPA 28 (2008): 57–66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Garami, Ferenc, and Kertai, István, Water management in the Angkor area (Budapest: Angkor Foundation, 1993)Google Scholar; Kummu, Matti, ‘Water management in Angkor: Human impacts on hydrology and sediment transportation’, Journal of Environmental Management 90, 3 (2009): 1413–21CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Moore, Elizabeth, ‘Water management in early Cambodia: Evidence from aerial photography’, Geographical Journal 155, 2 (1989): 204–14CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sedov, Leonid A., ‘Angkor: Society and state’, in The study of the state, ed. Claessen, Henri J.M. and Skalnik, Peter (The Hague: Mouton, 1978), pp. 111–30Google Scholar; Paul Stott, ‘Angkor: Shifting the hydraulic paradigm’, in Rigg, The gift of water, pp. 47–58.