With this ringing affirmation, Julien Bryan concluded Americans All, his first documentary about Latin America produced under the auspices of the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American Affairs (CI-AA) as part of the U.S. government's effort to foster hemispheric solidarity. By 1945 he had completed twenty-two more, including four on Latin America as a region; five on Chile; three each about Peru, Bolivia, and Uruguay; and one each concerning Argentina, Colombia, Venezuela, and Paraguay. The CI-AA distributed the films to thousands of U.S. schools, clubs, and organizations during the war. After the conflict was over, they continued to be the standard educational films about Latin America until, by the 1960s, damage or obsolescence forced most prints out of circulation. For the historian, however, “obsolescence” is not an undesirable quality, and a careful screening suggests that these thirty-year old documentaries contain an extraordinary visual record of Spanish South America and provide insight into inter-American relations. The purpose here is to assess the value of Bryan's twenty-three films as historical evidence, based on an analysis of the narration and photography and taking into account the special nature of film as a source material.

A large and influential body of work has been published on the recent transformation of Mexican agriculture, focusing on how the growth of linkages to the international economy has reallocated Mexico's land and labor resources in a way that threatens the survival of peasant forms of food production. Curiously, the working assumptions of this corpus have remained largely unchallenged in the academic literature. The thrust of this approach is well captured in an article published in LARR by David Barkin and Billie DeWalt a few years ago. These authors were seeking to explain the origins of Mexico's “food crisis” and made a series of recommendations for tackling the problem. Although many of Barkin and DeWalt's observations are irrefutable, the framework of their analysis begs a number of questions, and elements within it are mutually inconsistent. Their work merits close attention nonetheless because, unlike much of the literature on the “food crisis,” it goes beyond analysis of the problem to make fairly explicit policy recommendations. Because their recommendations are so out of line with the present thrust of Mexican policy, it is instructive to return to their article. Their contribution exemplifies a paradigm that, in rejecting trade liberalization, fails to lend itself to constructive criticism of the policies now being vigorously pursued in Mexico. In challenging Barkin and DeWalt's analytical framework and policy recommendations (from a standpoint that is sympathetic toward trade liberalization), this research note is intended to provoke a lively debate about new ways to conceptualize Mexican food issues.

This essay reviews the following works:

La marchita, el escudo y el bombo: Una historia cultural de los emblemas del peronismo, de Perón a Cristina Kirchner. By Ezequiel Adamovsky and Esteban Buch. Buenos Aires: Planeta, 2016. Pp. 367. ARS$555 paperback. ISBN: 9789504954750.

The Resurgence of Populism in Latin America. By Robert R. Barr. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2017. Pp. xii + 251. $75 hardcover. ISBN: 9781626376670.

The Promise and Perils of Populism: Global Perspectives. Edited by Carlos de la Torre. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 2015. Pp. viii + 474. $45.00 paperback. ISBN: 9780813153308.

Latin America’s Leaders. By Rut Diamint and Laura Tedesco. London: Zed, 2015. Pp. xi + 188. $25.00 paperback. ISBN: 9781783601028.

Evita, Inevitably: Performing Argentina’s Icons before and after Eva Perón. By Jean Graham-Jones. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 271. $37.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780472052332.

Creating Charismatic Bonds in Argentina: Letters to Juan and Eva Perón. By Donna J. Guy. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 173. $29.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780826338389.

Populism and Performance in the Bolivarian Revolution of Venezuela. By Angela Marino. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2018. Pp. xi + 212. $34.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780810136731.

Populism: A Very Short Introduction. By Cas Mudde and Cristobal Rovira Kaltwasser. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. Pp. 136. $11.95 paperback. ISBN: 9780190234874.

Dancing Jacobins: A Venezuelan Genealogy of Latin American Populism. By Rafael Sánchez. New York: Fordham University Press, 2016. Pp. ix + 393. $35 paperback. ISBN: 9780823263660.

When Democracy Trumps Populism: European and Latin American Lessons for the United States. Edited by Kurt Weyland and Raúl L. Madrid. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. 238. $27.99 paperback. ISBN: 9781108728829.

This essay reviews the following works:

Open for Business: Building the New Cuban Economy. By Richard E. Feinberg. Washington DC: Brookings Institution Press, 2016. Pp. vii + 264. $22.00 cloth. ISBN: 9780815727675.

Miradas a la economía cubana: Análisis del sector no estatal. Edited by Omar Everleny Pérez Villanueva and Ricardo Torres. La Habana: Editorial Caminos, 2015. Pp. 163. $5, paper. ISBN: 9789593031080.

Entrepreneurial Cuba: The Changing Policy Landscape. By Archibald R. M. Ritter and Ted A. Henken. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press, 2015. Pp. xiv + 374. $79.95 cloth. ISBN: 9781626371637.

Retos para la equidad social en el proceso de actualización del modelo económico cubano. Edited by María del Carmen Zavala et al. La Habana: Editorial Ciencias Sociales, 2015. Pp. vi + 362. $20 paper. ISBN: 9789590616105.

This essay reviews the following works:

Rivalry and Alliance Politics in Cold War Latin America. By Christopher Darnton. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2014. Pp. ix + 285. $44.95 paper. ISBN: 9781421413617.

Neither Peace nor Freedom: The Cultural Cold War in Latin America. By Patrick Iber. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015. Pp. 1 + 327. $39.95 cloth. ISBN: 9780674286047.

Mexico’s Cold War: Cuba, the United States, and the Legacy of the Mexican Revolution. By Renata Keller. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xix + 274. $103.00 cloth. ISBN: 9781107079588.

Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana. By William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014. Pp. xiv + 524. $25.00 paper. ISBN: 9781469617633.

Reagan and Pinochet: The Struggle over U.S. Policy toward Chile. By Morris Morley and Chris McGillion. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Pp. xiii + 338. $35.99 paper. ISBN: 9781107458093.

En el año 2005, David Aniñir publica Mapurbe en Santiago de Chile, un poemario que ha generado polémicas y reflexiones sobre la identidad, la lengua y la globalización del pueblo mapuche-huilliche entre los críticos de la poesía chilena y los propios poetas indígenas. Debido a la novedad del poemario, pocos estudios han abordado Mapurbe desde un enfoque que trascienda el siglo XXI en Chile. De ahí la necesidad del presente trabajo al analizar el collage lingüístico en Mapurbe en el contexto de la poesía indígena contemporánea; y al situar en retrospectiva la propuesta estética de Aniñir a partir de dos categorías de las ciencias sociales: colonialismo y colonialidad.

Throughout the world, the Catholic Church has been in ferment since the Second Vatican Council. In Latin America, traditionally a Catholic region, the application of the council's ideas has stimulated dramatic changes in the outlook and practices of Church groups. These changes are particularly visible in the development of a new language for describing and evaluating temporal action (“the world”), and in the emergence of novel perspectives on the Church's proper relation to “the world.” What is the import of such changes for the student of politics?

The Resort to Violence by University Students Has Become A Common occurrence not only in developing countries but also in the more industrialized ones. Voluminous recent literature on the general subject of violence has not greatly expanded our understanding of this important problem. Similarly, literature on student movements is increasing but analyses of student violence per se are still scarce. We know less about the causes of student violence than we do about the scope and intensity of the phenomenon, yet why, when, how, and under what conditions people resort to violence are still unresolved questions. Partial answers are in, although to what effect remains to be seen.

Born in 1902, Nicolás Guillén is almost as old as this century. A flourish of publishing activity occurred in 1972 and again in 1982 celebrating his longevity. Few writers who began as Modernists are still alive to tell about the movement, as does Guillén in his memoirs, Páginas vueltas (published in Havana in 1982 in honor of his eightieth birthday). After a long and distinguished career in poetry, journalism, and politics, Cuba's national poet is becoming increasingly visible in the English-speaking world, where his candidacy for the Nobel prize for literature is encouraged annually and books, articles, dissertations, bibliographies, and translations of his work continue to appear.

SECONDARY EDUCATION IN LATIN AMERICA HAS NOT RECEIVED A GREAT DEAL of attention by researchers and English language journals. Most of the research readily available in the U.S. is of a descriptive nature; that which is more specifically focused is reported in a wide variety of national and organizational journals difficult to collect. This review attempts to suggest representative studies from a variety of sources in order to give the broadest coverage possible in a short paper.

On 7 December 1897, on the outskirts of Havana in San Pedro, a small party of Cuban rebels led by Lieutenant General Antonio Maceo y Grajales was ambushed by a Spanish patrol. General Maceo was killed; at his side, Panchito Gómez Toro, son of the Cuban Commander-in-Chief Máximo Gómez, also died. The surviving Cuban soldiers buried the two bodies in a secret grave to protect them from desecration by the Spanish forces. Several days later in Havana, the Spanish commander-in-chief, General Valeriano Weyler, learned of Maceo's death and celebrated. Weyler, whose cruelties had earned him the enduring title of “the butcher,” gathered his officers and supporters around him; they feasted, drank, and prematurely toasted Spanish victory. They could not imagine that the rebels would continue to fight once they had lost the superhuman figure of Maceo.

This article analyzes the structure and the stability of Brazilian public attitudes toward foreign policy issues. It argues that Brazilian attitudes on foreign affairs are more structured and stable than has previously been believed. It asserts that deep and historical beliefs about Brazil’s role in international affairs, such as pacifism and protagonism, are responsible for creating reasonably consistent and stable public attitudes toward specific foreign policy preferences. The argument builds on the model proposed by Jon Hurwitz and Mark Peffley (1987) in their study on the coherence of US public opinion on foreign policy issues. The article uses survey data from two national samples undertaken in 2014 and 2019 (about 1,800 respondents each). The samples are part of the “Brazil, the Americas and the World” project, which conveys information about Brazilian public opinion on foreign policy issues.

Second only to the Quechua-speaking peoples of the Andes, the Maya of southeastern Mexico and Guatemala constitute the “most impressive surviving American culture in the Western Hemisphere” (Vogt 1969a, 21). In Mexico the main division within the Maya falls between the highland population living in the state of Chiapas and the lowland group residing in the Yucatán Peninsula (Vogt 1969b). People of mixed Spanish and Indian ancestry, known locally as ladinos, make up most of the remaining population. Inspired by the well-known series of investigations of Indian and mestizo fertility in the Andean region, the present study seeks to describe within Mexico the fertility differences between the highland and lowland Maya and their ladino neighbors and, within the limits of the data, to account for the observed differentials.

Esta nota analiza las profundas transformaciones que en distintos órdenes—religioso, social, cultural y político-eclesiástico—experimentaron la diócesis de Buenos Aires y su clero secular a fines del período colonial. Si bien en el Río de la Plata la política reformista de la corona española en el terreno eclesiástico no tuvo la misma incidencia que en otras áreas de América, las últimas décadas del siglo XVIII—ricas en fermentos innovadores como en situaciones conflictivas—resultan decisivas para comprender el desarrollo de los acontecimientos político-religiosos de la primera mitad del siglo XIX, entre ellos la cuestión de la politización del clero y la reforma eclesiástica de 1822.

La política migratoria de Trump da continuidad al retorno de mexicanos a su país de origen. La magnitud del flujo, la alta presencia de niñas, niños y adolescentes y la complejidad y diversidad de sus trayectorias y características constituyen elementos distintivos del actual retorno. Uno de los estados mexicanos que más migración en retorno recibe es el de Oaxaca, configurado desde los años ochenta como uno de los principales expulsores de migrantes a Estados Unidos que ahora regresan acompañados de sus hijos menores. Consecuentemente, el sistema educativo, principal vía de (re)inserción de la niñez y la adolescencia a la sociedad en contextos migratorios, experimenta una mayor demanda de servicios por parte de esta población en edad escolar con características y necesidades distintivas. Los hallazgos de esta investigación muestran los principales elementos que impiden la (re)inserción al sistema educativo mexicano de las niñas, niños y adolescentes procedentes de Estados Unidos y sus consecuencias.

This study explores the evolution of individual attitudes toward homosexuality in Chile during the period 1998–2018. Based on microdata from the International Social Survey Programme, it finds evidence of a significant rise in the share of people accepting homosexual relationships, from 5.4 percent to 38.5 percent of the population. Observable individual-level socioeconomic characteristics are responsible for only 3.6 percentage points of this shift. In particular, the increase in educational attainment and generational replacement help to explain this trend and account for an increase of 2.6 percentage points (roughly 45 percent of the initial level of acceptance). Nevertheless, the bulk of this shift is due to structural changes in Chilean society, which may have increased acceptance across all the demographic subgroups considered in the analysis.