This essay reviews the following works:

• Anatomía de la derecha chilena: Estado, mercado y valores en tiempos de cambio. Edited by Stéphanie Alenda. Santiago: Fondo de Cultura Económica and Universidad Andrés Bello, 2020. Pp. 380. $19.04 paperback. ISBN: 9789562892025.

• Presidencialismo a la chilena: Coaliciones y cooperación política, 1990–2018. By Mireya Dávila Avendaño. Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 2020. Pp. 312. $20.36 paperback. ISBN: 9789561126923.

• La transición inacabada: El proceso político chileno 1990–2020. By Claudio Fuentes S. Santiago: Catalonia, 2021. Pp. 392. $22.64 paperback. ISBN: 9789563248388.

• Política y movimientos sociales en Chile: Antecedentes y proyecciones del estallido social de octubre 2019. Edited by Manuel Antonio Garretón. Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2021. Pp. 308. $17.97 paperback. ISBN: 9789560014061.

• La democracia semisoberana: Chile después de Pinochet. By Carlos Huneeus. Santiago: Taurus, 2014. Pp. 614. $32.34 paperback. ISBN: 9789563477832.

• The Left Hand of Capital: Neoliberalism and the Left in Chile. By Fernando Ignacio Leiva. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2021. Pp. viii + 391. $33.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781438483610.

• En vez del optimismo: Crisis de representación política en el Chile actual. By Juan Pablo Luna. Santiago: Catalonia, 2017. Pp. 151. $12.58 paperback. ISBN: 9789563245431.

• La chusma inconsciente: La crisis de un país atendido por sus propios dueños. By Juan Pablo Luna. Santiago: Catalonia, 2021. Pp. 377. $14.02 paperback. ISBN: 9789563248999.

• Neoliberal Resilience: Lessons in Democracy and Development from Latin America and Eastern Europe. By Aldo Madariaga. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2020. Pp. vii + 348. $43.81 hardcover. ISBN: 9780691182599.

• Octubre chileno: La irrupción de un nuevo pueblo. By Carlos Ruiz Encina. Santiago: Penguin Random House, 2020. Pp. 117. $10.78. ISBN: 9789566042259.

El artículo examina la relación entre institucionalización del movimiento indígena boliviano y su dinámica en el sentido de su actividad de protesta y su cohesión interna durante el período 1997–2014, para capturar el posible cambio en la institucionalización del movimiento con la llegada de Evo Morales al poder en 2006. En base al estudio hemerográfico de la prensa boliviana, el análisis concluye que el movimiento indígena pasó por la institucionalización bajo el gobierno de Morales, el hecho que está reflejado en la creciente representación indígena en las estructuras del poder estatal. Sin embargo, la institucionalización era un proceso selectivo y prefirió organizaciones campesinas antes que el sector indígena originario, que al contrario experimentó más bien cooptación que institucionalización. La selectividad del proceso produjo diferentes efectos en la movilización de las organizaciones individuales. La política favorable y el acceso a la estructura estatal moderó al sector campesino, mientras las organizaciones indígenas originarias afrontaron las estrategias gubernamentales de división.

In 1926, the Fox Film Corporation held a “Masculine and Feminine Photogenic Beauty Contest” to find Hollywood’s newest “Latin” star in Brazil and other countries. North American film representatives asked for contestants who were “white with Latin blood.” The exotic allure of this racialized category contradicted Brazilian elites’ preference for eugenic, chaste, white beauty. Brazilian film critics, advertisers, and beauty contestants negotiated transnational standards of beauty as they sought faces, bodies, and sexual appeal that would conquer Hollywood. Ultimately, Brazilian films intellectuals forged their own meanings of “white with Latin blood” even as they upheld the supremacy of white beauty. However, the contest demonstrates how the transnational contours of cinema offered a liminal space for competing standards of racialized beauty in Brazil.

This article traces the origins of María Elena Velasco’s comic character “la India María” through what Fatimah Tobing Rony has labeled ethnographic film. It explores how Velasco’s first film, Tonta, tonta, pero no tanto (dir. Fernando Cortés, Mexico, 1972), borrows conventional linguistic and performative representations from the so-called Indigenista films of Emilio “Indio” Fernández and Benito Alazraki. The essay also studies how popular discourses regarding Indigenous intelligence and the trope of illiterate Natives as “burros” coincide with the state ideologies behind comic representations of Indigenous characters.

Peasant activists affiliated with the Confederación Campesina del Perú (CCP) seized the Pomacocha hacienda in Ayacucho in 1961. The invasion triggered over a decade of serious conflict between those peasants who supported local CCP activists and those who opposed them. The campesinos who challenged Pomacocha's CCP activists did so using the rhetoric of anticommunism, and they were in turn derided as “yellows,” or conservatives. Peasant anticommunism stemmed from conflicts over money, religion, participation, and especially political rivalries, as the staunchest anticommunist peasants in the community belonged to the rival APRA party. The Pomacocha case shows that landowning elites, the church, government officials, and the military had no monopoly on the Cold War rhetoric of anticommunism; peasants likewise mobilized counterrevolutionary discourses to further their own interests. Ultimately, anticommunism allowed campesinos to pierce through the political neglect that characterized indigenous peasants' relationships with the twentieth-century Peruvian state.

This essay reviews the following works:

Neoliberalismo corregido y progresismo limitado: Los gobiernos de la Concertación en Chile, 1990–2010. By Manuel Antonio Garretón. Santiago: Editorial ARCIS, CLACSO, 2013. ISBN: 9789568114961.

Radiografía crítica al “modelo chileno”: Balance y propuestas. Edited by Gonzalo Martner and Eugenio Rivera. Santiago: Lom, USACH, 2013. ISBN: 9789560004420.

Economía política del fracaso: La falsa modernización del modelo neoliberal. By Alberto Mayol and José Miguel Ahumada. Santiago: El Desconcierto, 2015. ISBN: 9789569370151.

Los chilenos bajo el neoliberalismo: Clases y conflicto social. By Carlos Ruiz and Giorgio Boccardo. Santiago: El Desconcierto, 2015. ISBN: 9789569370106.

Chile and the Neoliberal Trap: The Post-Pinochet Era. By Andrés Solimano. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2012. ISBN: 9781107003545. (Reprinted in Spanish as Capitalismo a la chilena. Y la prosperidad de las élites. Santiago: Catalonia, 2012. ISBN: 9789563241426.)

Shortly after the coup of 11 September 1973 in Chile, nine people came together in the Los Angeles area to express their outrage on film: Seven were students and teachers who had been in Chile, two were politically committed filmmakers. The product of this union was the fifty-five-minute documentary “Chile with Poems and Guns” which reached several thousand international viewers during the first year after its release. Twice aired on Los Angeles television, the film was selected for distribution by Tricontinental Film Center. It also received scholarly notice, being included on the October 1974 program of the Pacific Coast Council of Latin American Studies at UCLA and the November meeting of the Latin American Studies Association in San Francisco.

In this section a sample of interesting cases is provided to illustrate the problems involved when attempting to judge the reliability of Cuban statistics. The paper does not attempt to cover all the existing difficulties nor to offer final answers to some of the intriguing puzzles discussed. Yet the process of describing these statistical abnormalities occasionally clarifies the way in the search for truthful figures. The eight reconstructed tables included in this section do not have to be taken as absolutely reliable, but at least they offer a ten-year perspective (1957-66) of the most credible statistics available. The fact that this section has a negative approach should not lead the reader to the conclusion that all Cuban statistics are purposely misleading. Examples of accurate data are given when dealing with foreign trade, for instance. In some cases of erroneous data, the fault lies with the flaws in the system, including those detailed in the two previous sections. In other cases figures are deliberate misrepresentations. The author's ultimate objectives in this section are to alert the researcher to the frequent difficulties he will encounter when working with Cuban data, and to suggest criteria for selecting the more accurate figures from the Cuban statistical tangle.

Este trabajo tiene por objetivo examinar la presencia de movimientos chiítas radicales en América Latina, algunos de ellos comprometidos en acciones violentas, especialmente en dos zonas geográficas. Primero, en la denominada triple frontera de Argentina, Paraguay y Brasil, presencia vinculada con los atentados contra la embajada de Israel en 1992 y contra la Asociación Mutual Israelita Argentina en 1994, ambos realizados en Buenos Aires. Segundo, en la zona de la Alianza Bolivariana para las Américas, particularmente en Venezuela, a partir de la existencia del denominado Hezbolá Venezuela, de la islamización chiíta de la tribu wayuu — que habita la zona de la Guajira en la frontera entre Venezuela y Colombia— y su relación con el Hezbolá originario del Líbano.

O presente artigo busca responder a seguinte questão: quando confiar é bom? Diversas pesquisas têm se debruçado sobre o fenómeno da desconfiança, estudando suas causas e efeitos para o regime democrático. Porém, pouca coisa foi explorada em relação ao fenómeno contrário, o da confiança. Nosso argumento é que confiar é bom quando duas condições são satisfeitas: a existência de um contexto institucional que justifique a confiança e um ambiente informacional adequado. Para justificá-lo, utilizamos dados.de uma pesquisa sobre um projeto de socialização política no Brasil, o Parlamento Jovem. Trata-se de um quase experimento, com pré-teste, pós-teste e grupo de controle, realizado em Minas Gerais em 2008. A conclusão é que mediante um intenso fluxo informacional, os participantes do projeto adquiriram maior conhecimento a respeito do processo de desenvolvimento institucional da Assembleia Legislativa Mineira, passando, então, a confiar mais nela. Mediante esse quadro, pode-se dizer que confiar é bom.

The extensive post-1973 literature analyzing and comparing national energy policies across countries has generally excluded Cuba, purportedly because of the unavailability of appropriate data. As a result, very little serious work has been carried out assessing Cuba's current energy balances and the efficacy of its policies in adjusting to the new global energy situation. While it is incontrovertible that available official Cuban energy data are weak, it can be argued that, when supplemented with data from other sources and with reasonable estimates, they can serve as the basis for tentative analysis of energy policies. This note attempts to lay the groundwork for such future analyses by bringing together and evaluating energy supply and consumption data covering the first two decades of revolutionary government. While the emphasis is on the period 1959–78, pre-1959 data are introduced when appropriate in an effort to put recent trends in historical perspective. The first section focuses on primary energy production and considers the contribution of commercial and noncommercial sources to domestic energy supply. In the second section, imports of primary energy products are considered and their role in total energy supply evaluated. The last section examines tentatively some aspects of Cuban energy consumption and attempts to relate consumption patterns to policies that were in effect during the period.