El objetivo del trabajo es analizar los determinantes de las políticas públicas de naturaleza social en los estados brasileños. Más específicamente, se trata de examinar el gasto público en las áreas de salud y educación y explorar las posibles causas de la variación eventualmente observada. La motivación teórica de esta propuesta adviene de una línea de investigación en la literatura que afirma que a nivel estatal el ejecutivo es una fuerza sin contraposición dentro del sistema político y que, además, la lógica de producción de políticas públicas estaría, sobre todo, vinculada a los objetivos individuales del gobernador. Entretanto, según nuestros resultados fueron descartadas las hipótesis nulas de la inexistencia de un efecto positivo de la ideología del gobernador sobre el nivel del gasto social y de la ausencia de impacto negativo del número de comisiones, aún en gobiernos controlados por la izquierda, en este mismo nivel de gasto.

This research note reports on a collection of manuscript and print materials relating to Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges (1899–1986). The collection was acquired in 1999 by the Harry Ransom Humanities Research Center at the University of Texas at Austin. It features unpublished manuscripts in a variety of literary genres and an excellent representation of Borges's published works, including several rare books and periodicals from the 1920s, a period of increasing importance in Borges scholarship.

Inasmuch as Scientific Criticism and Polemic are of the Greatest significance for the development of every branch of historical science, including, of course, the study of Latin America, I should like to offer a few thoughts on this subject.

Soviet historians of Latin America, just as scholars in other fields, attach great significance to the views of specialists everywhere-be they their colleagues in the USSR or abroad; be they Marxists or non-Marxists. Even if we hold different philosophical and methodological positions than our opponents, we are always ready to lend an attentive ear to critical observations. Disagreement with the world view or general historical conception of one or another of our foreign critics by no means prevents us from recognizing the correctness of his views on given problems, provided that the viewpoint in question is convincingly argued and scientificallydemonstrated. Even though we reject any questioning of the basic conceptions advanced by us, we are still able to accept admonitions and to seek a kernel of reason in otherwise totally inadmissible criticisms.

La existencia de un nacionalismo oficial identificado únicamente con el independentismo y el sentimiento antiestadounidense parece explicar la relativa escasez de estudios sobre la primera generación republicana en Cuba. Buscando disminuir este vacío crítico, este artículo estudia la obra de José Antonio Ramos para ahondar sobre una corriente de pensamiento nacionalista que intentó balancear arielismo y proamericanismo a principios de siglo XX. Sin lograr constituir una fórmula integral de reconciliación entre polaridades, este discurso terminó por reducir al aislamiento a gran parte de la primera generación republicana. Atrincherados en un discurso elitista de la antipolítica, el rechazo a la opinión pública de intelectuales como Ramos, conllevó a la imposibilidad de establecer las alianzas necesarias para la consolidación de una identidad nacional viable aún en los términos reformistas neocoloniales.

This report presents the results of a preliminary survey of North American firms that operate in Latin America. Its purpose was to uncover sources for economic historians and economists in an area that is largely unknown and unused. Firms that have deposited their materials in public archives in the United States have not been included in the survey; they will be described in the forthcoming Guide to Latin American Historical Materials in the United States, which is being organized by Gunnar Mendoza.

Using results of field research among Yucatec Maya in San Francisco, we compare two types of migrant associations: hometown associations (HTAs) and social service agencies, specifically in terms of the use and expression of ethnic identity. We argue that HTA leaders rely on a regional identity based largely on a sense of shared culture, which reproduces the dominant and widespread view of ethnic identity in Yucatán, namely that the Maya are not an indigenous people per se. In contrast, leaders of the social service agencies explicitly utilize indigenous identity in their programming and services. We maintain that the latter are reconceptualizing Maya identity, adopting a US multicultural framework that emphasizes ethnic difference as a basis for making claims for resources and rights.