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Excavations at Fregellae, 1978–1984

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 August 2013

Michael H. Crawford ,
Lawrence Keppie ,
John Patterson  and
Michael L. Vercnocke
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Scavi a fregellae: relazione preliminare sul lavoro del gruppo britannico

L'articolo contiene la terza parte della relazione preliminare. In esso si tratta delle prospezioni di superficie svoltesi nel territorio della città. Le conclusioni principali sono cinque: che l'identificazione del kardo maximus della colonia di Fregellae proposta nella seconda parte puo considerarsi sostanzialmente confirmata; che gli insediamenti rurali dei cittadini di Fregellae furono in gran misura distrutti nello stesso momento che la colonia; che la distribuzione degli insediamenti posteriori a quel momento non corrisponde alle divisioni della centuriazione del 124 a.C; che durante l'lmpero le presenze umane nel territorio di Fabrateria erano piuttosto scarse; e che ci sono alcune indicazione del raggruppamento degli insediamenti finora identificati in piccoli villaggi.

Type
Research Article
Information
Papers of the British School at Rome , Volume 54 , November 1986 , pp. 40 - 68
Copyright
Copyright © British School at Rome 1986

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References

* For Parts I II see PBSR 52, 1984, 21–35; 53, 1985, 72–96; we should like to acknowledge in particular assistance from Rozalyn S. Todd in the preparation of this report and to thank Don Bailey and John Hayes for assistance with some of the pottery. The material is currently on deposit in the British School at Rome.

1 Grossi, E., Aquinum (Rome, 1907), 99Google Scholar, argued that the land between the Rio Sottile and the River Melfa always belonged to Aquinum and that Aquinum also acquired land south of the River Liri in 125 B.C. The density of Roman settlement between Fabrateria Nova and the River Melfa makes it likely that after 125 B.C., as before, this river formed the western boundary of the territory of Aquinum (see Appendix 2) and the River Liri the southern boundary; further support for this inference may be drawn from the way in which the pattern of settlement in the segments in question resembles that in the territory to the west of Fregellae, not in that of Aquinum (see below). Grossi's argument, from the tribal affiliations of people commemorated in the frontier zone of San Vito, is obviously of extreme debility.

2 Sevink, J. A. and others, The Soils of Southern Lazio and Adjacent Campania (Amsterdam, 1984)Google Scholar.

3 De Bernardis, T., La chiesa e il casale di S. Oliva (Casamari, 1962)Google Scholar (non vidimus).

4 PBSR 53, 1985, 73 n. 2Google Scholar.

5 Colasanti, G., I cercatori di ferro (Rome, 1928), 39Google Scholar; see also NSc 1928, 467. The church of Santa Lucia mentioned by Colasanti at this point was demolished clandestinely during the night soon after the Second World War ‘because it was in the way’, according to local informants; it lay some 215 m. from the entrance to the main piazza of Ceprano, along the old Via Casilina towards Rome.

6 De Lucia Brolli, M. A., Archeologia Laziale V (Rome, 1983), 104Google Scholar, ‘Prospettive su Fabrateria Nova’ L. Crescenzi, ibid. VII (Rome, 1985), 109, ‘L'anfiteatro di San Giovanni Incarico’.

7 Cayro, P., Dissertazione istorica. In cui dimostransi li primi Popoli d'Italia, non che l'esistenza, anlichitá, e sito della Cittá un tempo LIRIO chiamata, quindi FREGELLI (Naples, 1777, reprinted 1795), XXIV–XXVGoogle Scholar.

8 PBSR 53, 1985, 83Google Scholar.

9 We should like to thank M. Vallat for making this information available.

10 The orientation of the kardines is given by De Lucia Brolli (n. 6), as 17° west of north, rather than the correct 19–45°, established by Vallat.

11 Vallat, J.-P., in Misurare la terra (Modena, 1983), 227Google Scholar (the northern part of the Ager Falernus was eventually centuriated again, along with the hilly ground to the north); E. Gabba, ibid., 20. (The account given by Vallat of a saltus is unfortunately based on a mistranslation of Varro, , RR i, 10Google Scholar, the view that the Ager Falernus was ‘privatised’ on a misinterpretation of ILLRP 483.)

12 PBSR 53, 1985, 84 and 92Google Scholar.

13 The same is apparently true of early settlement in the Ager Falernus, despite the attempt of Vallat to argue the opposite.

14 Compare T. W. Potter and K. M. Dunbabin, PBSR 1979, 19, ‘A Roman villa at Crocicchie, Via Clodia’. Site 13 was wrongly described as yielding mosaic tesserae in Archeologia Laziale VII (Rome, 1985), 112Google Scholar.

15 See Keppie, L. J. F., Colonisation and Veteran Settlement (London, 1983), 63Google Scholar; and M. H. Crawford, Athenaeum 1980, 497, for discontinuity resulting from veteran settlement in South Etruria.

16 We should like to thank the late Professor Edith Wightman and Dr. John Hayes for this information.

A further Republican site is represented by the discovery of the San Giovanni Incarico hoard at a ‘luogo detto Matrice, fra la selva omonima e la contrada Limatola cupa, a 400 metri dal fiume Liri’ (Roman Republican Coin Hoards (London, 1969), no. 163) (Fig. 6)Google Scholar; the ‘luogo’ was probably close to the church of the Madonna della Selva.

17 The same story is also told by the burial and loss of the San Giovanni Incarico hoard; and one wonders about the hoard from Patrica, near Frosinone, closing in 124 B.C. (Museo Nazionale Romano; radically mis-described in Ripostigli Monetali in Italia. Schede Anagrqfiche 05·23).

18 Crawford, M. H., Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic (London, 1985)Google Scholar, App. G.

19 5609, 5610 and 5642 may also come from close to Fabrateria Nova, see Cayro (n. 7), 1078.

20 Note the sites on the road from San Giovanni Incarico to Fundi reported by Cayro (n. 7), 110–11: at Ortella, a tomb; at the Fontana di San Biagio, an inscription of ALLIA.M.L.NYGM/VIXIT.ANN.VII; and the sites further along the same route, 76: a villa at Pedicate (Murlano), still within the territory of San Giovanni Incarico; and a villa at Sant'Angiolo, just into the territory of Pico.