This paper contributes to the ongoing debate on how much detail young children's word representations contain. We investigate early representations of place of articulation and voicing contrasts, inspired by previously attested asymmetrical patterns in children's early word productions. We tested Dutch-learning 20- and 24-month-olds’ perception of these fundamentally different contrasts in a mispronunciation-detection paradigm. Our results show that different kinds and directions of phonological changes yield different effects. Both 20- and 24-month-olds noticed coronal mispronunciations of labials, but not vice versa. The 24-month-olds noticed voiced mispronunciations of voiceless stops, but not vice versa, while the 20-month-olds failed to notice any voicing mispronunciations. We argue that early lexical representations are specified in very systematic ways, that not all phonological contrasts are encoded at the same time and that the phonological system of a language determines which contrasts are specified first in the representations of early words.

The placement of F0 peaks in Tashlhiyt Berber is highly variable, both within and across speakers, even across repetitions of the same target sentence. We show that peak placement is determined by a number of competing factors: in addition to a general tendency for the peak to be placed on the rightmost syllable – a tendency that is stronger in questions than in statements – the peak is attracted to the syllable with the most sonorous nucleus and preferentially to heavy syllables. Moreover, in words consisting entirely of obstruents, there are three possible intonation patterns: no F0 peak at all, an anticipated peak (before the target word) or a peak on a vocoid between two obstruents. The F0 peak is analysed phonologically as a H tone that is either associated with a postlexically determined syllable or, if the syllable is not tone-bearing, aligned with the edge of the larger domain.

We define a saltatory phonological alternation as one in which sound A is converted to C, leaping over phonetically intermediate B. For example, in Campidanian Sardinian, intervocalic /p/ is realised as [β] – leaping over [b], which does not alternate. Based on experimental evidence, we argue that saltation is marked, i.e. a UG bias causes language learners to disprefer it. However, despite its marked status, saltation does occur. We survey its diachronic origins, and suggest that it is never introduced as a sound change, but arises only from a variety of historical accidents. For the formal analysis of saltation, we propose a new approach, based on Zuraw's (2007, 2013) *Map constraints and Steriade's (2001, 2009) P-map. This approach is more restrictive than previous proposals, and accounts for psycholinguistic evidence indicating an anti-saltation learning bias: saltation is disfavoured during learning because it is by definition not a P-map-compliant pattern.

After years of searching for evidence for the syllable in Gokana, I presented a possible argument in Hyman (2011) that the prosodic stem consists at most of two bimoraic syllables. In this note I show that there is an alternative account not involving syllables. Either way, Gokana makes very little reference to syllable structure, if at all.