The Lashing Gale.—The description of the gale that torments the carnal sinners, Inf., v, 33, as “whirling and smiting” them suggests that in using gastiga in vs. 51 Dante may have had in mind the figure of a whipping-top. As the wailing and wretched shades approach he asks: “Master, who are those folk that the black air so chastises?” Whipping-tops were a common toy in mediaeval Italy; and in Par., xviii, 42, Dante refers to them specifically, saying of the swift rotation with which the light of Judas Maccabæus responded to his name, in the Cross of Mars: “joy was the whip of the top.”

When Manuel Cañete, in the introduction to the academic edition of Lucas Fernández, first spoke of a certain Alonso de Salaya “tan diestro en bosquejar delicadamente amorosos coloquios,” there was some reason to wonder whether he could have actually read these amorosos coloquios instead of merely quoting the first two lines of a “Farsa en coplas” from the notes which Gallardo, examining the catalogues of Ferdinand Columbus, had taken in the Biblioteca Colombina. When, three years later, in the preface to his edition of Carvajal's Tragedia Josephina, Cañete quoted the first twenty-five lines of the same “linda farsa” by Alonso de Salaya, it became even more tantalizing.

The only known source of Romeo and Juliet is Arthur Brooke's poem on Romeus and Iuliet. It is the general opinion that Shakespeare's few deviations from his original concern almost exclusively the minor characters. My purpose is to call attention to four changes in the rôles of important characters, and to compare these changes with the original version of Luigi da Porto.

In Milton's attempt to justify the ways of God to men, perhaps no passage in Paradise Lost is more important than Book III, 173–202, for in these lines Milton expounds his doctrine of predestination and its concordance with the mercy, grace, and wisdom of God. To the average reader, however, the passage offers considerable difficulty; and it is indeed surprising, in view of the importance and the obscurity of this portion of the epic, that editors and scholars have done so little to clarify the doctrine of these thirty lines. Newton contented himself with asserting that the views there expounded were Calvinistic, and Todd followed Newton. Sumner, without comment, showed a parallelism between portions of the passage and Milton's De doctrina, a document which is uncompromisingly Arminian. Brydges, however, repeated Newton's observation; and Barber argued at some length for a Calvinistic interpretation. Verity, on the other hand, seemed to agree with Sumner, but dismissed the matter with a single sentence: “The doctrine of predestination here alluded to is discussed at some length in the Christian Doctrine, I, 4.” Masson, Browne, and Moody, in turn, ignored the matter. Such disagreement, therefore, would seem to justify an attempt to throw more light on the passage by determining the precise doctrine that Milton there advances and the relation of that doctrine to the view on predestination advanced in the De doctrina.

For the past two hundred years critics have been observing and commenting upon the resemblance of Racine's Andromaque to Corneille's Pertharite. It was in 1764 that the first vigorous assertion of this similarity was made:

Il me paraît prouvé que Racine a puisé toute l'ordonnance de sa tragédie d‘Andromaque dans ce second acte de Pertharite. Dès la première scène vous voyez Edüige qui est avec son Garibalde précisément dans la même situation qu’ Hermione avec Oreste. Elle est abandonnée par un Grimoald comme Hermione par Pyrrhus; et si Grimoald aime sa prisonnière Rodelinde, Pyrrhus aime Andromaque, sa captive.

In 1709 on Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays, days not already taken for the publication of The Tatler, its pugnacious rival, The Female Tatler, by Mrs. Crackenthorpe, a Lady that knows every thing, appeared regularly for fifty issues with Mrs. Delariviere Manley as its editor and chief contributor. Mrs. Crackenthorpe's journalism reads like so much copy for the printer, turned out hastily against the time of going to press. It has the freshness and crudity of gossip. Nourished on “intelligence” and dealing in personalities, local color, and realistic detail, it treats the everyday life and occupations of Queen Anne's England with coarse pungency and colloquial vigor. It presupposes in author and in readers a competent knowledge of the compact eighteenth-century English world both of London and the more important country towns.

In 1758, after thirty years of hack writing, James Ralph published The Case of Authors by Profession, a short pamphlet which vigorously defended professional writers and severely arraigned their principal employers, the booksellers, theatre managers, and politicians. The essay received favorable comment in the Monthly Review and the Critical Review as a just appraisal of the difficulties of authorship. It has additional interest because Oliver Goldsmith may very well have received from it certain ideas which appeared in his Essay on the Present State of Polite Learning in Europe, and because from it Isaac D'Israeli quoted, without acknowledgement, extensive passages which appeared in his Calamities of Authors.

Among the Percy MSS (Folder 273) in the Harvard College Library is a collection of eighteen leaves of manuscript, of octavo size, loosely laid into board covers with a title on the outside printed in ink, presumably by Percy: “Shenstone's Billets.” This material is all in the handwriting of Shenstone, and consists of lists of songs and ballads from various published collections which he had examined, classified according to merit, with brief comments on individual poems in a few cases, and with longer connected remarks in the manner of letters in which he discussed the general principles that should govern Percy and himself in selecting and arranging the material for the Reliques.

During the last decade of his life, Joseph Ritson compiled a catalogue of Scottish authors, a Bibliographia Scotica. He had brought it nearly to completion by 1801, and intended to publish it as a companion volume to his Bibliographia Poetica. On Jan. 31, 1801, he sent the prefaces of both works to Thomas Park for correction. But he circulated the manuscript also among other friends, notably George Chalmers, and Walter Scott, in the hope of making it more perfect; so that when he died, in September, 1803, the work was still unpublished. It was known that in the paroxysm which ended his life he had destroyed many of his papers; and for a time his friends feared the Bibliographia Scotica had perished. A fortnight after Ritson's death, Chalmers, writing to Archibald Constable of these things said:

This leads me to ask if you ever got from him the biographical work on the historians and poets of Scotland, which he put into my hands, and intended for you. I intended to have corrected it for him and for you. But before I could do much he sent for it, in order to show it to Mr. Scott, when he was up here lately. Happy if he sent it to you by Mr. Scott; if he did not, it is gone—for ever. If you should happily have got it, I am still more ready, now that Ritson is gone, to do what I can to make the book as perfect as possible.

Der Expansionstrieb des sozialen Subjekts führt notwendigerweise zum “Gewahrwerden der äussern Begrenztheit”; auf Handlung als Wirkung folgt die Gegenwirkung, “es sei nun, dass Liebe uns zu fördern suche, oder Hass uns zu hindern wisse.” Was das Individuum in seinem Entfaltungstrieb beeinträchtigt, erscheint ihm als Willkür der Umwelt, was es verstandesgemäss auf eine Ursache nicht zurückführen kann, als Zufall. Es lehnt sich gegen diese äussere Willkür auf, indem es seinen persönlichen Willen hervorkehrt und ihm entsprechend zu handeln glaubt, wenn es diesen der Umwelt aufzuzwingen versucht; doch ist der Kampf gegen die äussere Willkür vergebens, denn, wenn auch diese als Willkür erscheint, so ist sie in der Naturkausalität begründet. Den erstrebenswerten Zustand, den das Individuum als Freiheit bezeichnet, den Zustand der ungehemmten Entfaltung, kann es zu seinem Glück nie erreichen. Das Streben nach Freiheit, wie es sich in der Reaktion gegen die beschränkenden Einrichtungen der Umwelt äussert, führt zum Konflikt zwischen den Handlungen des persönlichen Willens (Ausdruck des Expansionstriebes) und der Gegenwirkung der vermeintlichen Willkür einer feindlichen Umwelt.

Most critics of early American literature have testified to the widespread censure of fiction in the last years of the eighteenth century. The attacks, occasionally dignified by book or magazine publication, were, as Carl Van Doren has pointed out, fanlike in their spread: The dullest critics contended that novels were lies; the pious that they served no virtuous purpose; the strenuous, that they softened sturdy minds; the utilitarian, that they crowded out more useful books; the realistic, that they painted adventure too romantic and love too vehement; the patriotic, that dealing with European manners, they tended to confuse and dissatisfy republican youth.

The dullest critics contended that novels were lies; the pious that they served no virtuous purpose; the strenuous, that they softened sturdy minds; the utilitarian, that they crowded out more useful books; the realistic, that they painted adventure too romantic and love too vehement; the patriotic, that dealing with European manners, they tended to confuse and dissatisfy republican youth.

George Walker, a London bookseller and publisher, author of several Gothic tales, printed in 1799 a satirical novel, The Vagabond, directed against the Jacobins and their philosophic forerunners. The author's purpose was a serious one, to refute and counteract the works that had poured from the Jacobin presses. As a result the novel, though amusing and fanciful in the manner of the Anti-Jacobin, represents a consistent view-point and an earnest desire to show the beauties of society as then organized. In its way, it is a summary of the reactionary position, and, by giving the opinions of the opponents of Rousseau, Hume, Mary Wollstonecraft, Holcroft, Paine, William Godwin, and others, illustrates a large section of late eighteenth-century thought.

Wordsworth's intellectual and spiritual development terminates with the philosophy expressed in The Excursion. Here he accepts a Christian stoicism, colored strongly by ideas drawn from Kant. He even emphasizes the extreme dualism of Kant's ethics and tends to interpret morality as solely a matter of rational duty, sharply to be distinguished from a life of inclination. Indeed, he has grown very suspicious of human inclination and insists that man must transcend his natural disposition if he is to acquire any genuine dignity.

Although the influence of such philosophers as Holbach, Condorcet, and Godwin on Shelley's theory of the perfectibility of man has been noted, that of Pierre Jean George Cabanis, the French materialistic physician of the eighteenth century, has been overlooked. Yet Cabanis's ideas as put forward in his most considerable work, Rapports du Physique et du Moral de l'Homme, cited in the notes to “Queen Mab,” on the important relation between man's physical well-being and his intellectual and moral health appear to have contributed a striking feature to the poet's exposition of his views in “Queen Mab” and even in “Prometheus Unbound.” If it be remembered that Shelley already, by virtue of his vegetarianism, considered that man cannot become morally perfect unless he be physically perfect, it is not surprising that Cabanis's emphasis on the same idea from another angle, namely, the necessity of a mild and equable climate for the best development of intellect and morality, impressed the poet to such an extent that he incorporated the physician's belief in his theory of perfectibility. His ready acceptance of Cabanis's ideas is the less surprising when it is remarked that Cabanis was also a perfectibilian, believing that man “est indéfinement perfectible, et qu'il devient en quelque sort, capable de tout.”

For a voluminously autobiographical writer, De Quincey on occasion can be surprisingly reticent. His most frankly reminiscent narratives are sometimes colored by circumstances which he elaborately hints at rather than reveals. Peculiarly disconcerting to the student on this account is an article in Tait's Edinburgh Magazine for February, 1841, reprinted by Masson under the title “Story of a Libel, with Thoughts on Duelling,” which tells of his helplessness in the face of a downright insult to his wife perpetrated in 1824 by an anonymous slanderer. His account is both incomplete and ambiguous. He hesitates to be explicit on so ticklish a subject, and yet he cannot let the story alone. For all his suppressions, however, and though Masson has not identified it, the libel is recoverable to-day. With practical certainty we may also name its author. In other essays, once we have the key, we may find allusions to the libel and its author, even answers to some of its charges; in particular, we may see that De Quincey's painful recollection of it shaped some of his alterations in the revised Confessions of 1856.

Die folgenden Briefe, die mir Professor W. Kurrelmeyer zur Verfügung stellte, bilden einen Teil eines Briefwechsels aus den Jahren 1859–62 zwischen Paul Heyse und Feodor Löwe. Franz Ludwig Feodor Löwe, der am 5. Juli 1816 zu Kassel geboren wurde, stammte aus einer Schauspielerfamilie. Während er sich zuerst ganz der Wissenschaft widmen wollte, zwang ihn 1832 der Tod seines Vaters, die Theaterlaufbahn zu ergreifen. Nach seinem Auftreten in Mannheim, Hamburg und Frankfurt a.M. wurde er im Jahre 1841 als Heldenspieler für die Stuttgarter Hofbühne engagiert. Mit glänzendem Erfolg spielte er Leicester, Faust, Karl Moor und Hamlet. Er machte Josephine Stubenrauch, die Schwester der Schauspielerin Amalie von Stubenrauch, zu seiner Gattin. Im Jahre 1846 ernannte ihn die Stuttgarter Hofbühne zum Regisseur. Von der Zeit an beherrschte er dort gemeinsam mit Grunert (s. Anm. 10) das Repertoire. Auch als Lyriker betätigte er sich (z.B. Gedichte, 1854, 2. vermehrte Auflage, 1860; Neue Gedichte, 1875). Die Universität Giessen verlieh ihm die philosophische Doktorwürde. 1881 wurde er geadelt. In seinem dreiundsiebzigsten Jahre musste er sich infolge einer schweren Krankheit vom Theater zurückziehen, und am 20. Juni 1890 starb er.

The Mexican literary periodicals of the nineteenth century may be roughly divided into two main classes: the purely literary and the semi-literary. To the second and more numerous group belong such periodicals as those intended primarily for women or certain social classes, and those which had for their purpose the vulgarization of useful knowledge or the dissemination of political propaganda. Of the political, the writer has disposed as follows: those of little or no literary value have been disregarded; those presenting only a few poems of intrinsic worth are mentioned cursorily in the text but not included in the ensuing bibliography; while those in which satiric and political verse is predominant are listed with details at the end of the main bibliography. Much valuable literary material is buried in the daily newspapers, only the most important of which can be considered here, even briefly. The weekly literary editions or supplements of the larger dailies, generally issued separately with volume and issue numbers of their own, are included, for their contribution is of distinct value.