Recent Australian public law scholarship has demonstrated an increasing interest in the theme of constitutional values. In the current paper, I seek to clarify the terms of the debate by defending a distinction between (i) constitutional principles, understood as relatively flexible legal norms which rest on text, structure and history and (ii) extra-legal values. My argument is framed initially through a critical discussion of Rosalind Dixon’s proposal for a ‘functionalist’ approach to constitutional interpretation, which ascribes a central place to values in judicial reasoning. The functionalist position, I contend, lacks a sufficiently clear distinction between, on the one hand, constitutional principles as legal norms and, on the other, extra-legal values of political morality. As a consequence, the functionalist appeal to ‘constitutional values’ tends to shift between a relatively modest supplement to purposive approaches to judicial interpretation and a more ambitious proposal for judges to promote ‘normatively attractive’ values. These claims are elaborated and refined through a comparative analysis of German constitutional jurisprudence and a recent example of an appeal to values by the High Court.

Key changes to the Paid Parental Leave Act 2010 (Cth) (‘PPL Act’), which offers minimum wage payments to parents on parental leave, took effect in July 2023. These changes sought to improve the gender equal utilisation of parental leave. This article assesses these changes to that end. The article also explores the regulation of employer-funded parental leave policies, which has been under-researched to date, drawing upon recent Workplace Gender Equality Agency data and interviews with human resource professionals. The data reveals that employer-funded parental leave policies often provide higher levels of income replacement than the PPL Act but mirror many of the PPL Act’s features that discourage gender equal parenting. These findings highlight the need for further reform in the regulation of paid parental leave to increase take up amongst men. Such reform will require flexible parental leave policies with non-transferrable and generous entitlements for all parents with high levels of income replacement.

This article begins with a simple question: why are the damages awarded to victims of sexual harassment so much lower than damages awarded for those defamed by false allegations of sexual harassment? This article undertakes a comparative analysis of the underlying rationales for awarding damages in the doctrines of sexual harassment and defamation, tracking the historical reasons why sexual harassment damages have traditionally been so low compared to other doctrines. Then, it directly analyses two cases which awarded some of the highest damages in their respective doctrines: Rush v Nationwide News Pty Ltd and Hughes v Hill. This analysis reveals how the ongoing effect that traditional factors inhibiting sexual harassment damages, such as gender stereotyping and the requirement to medicalise damages, results in ongoing discrepancies in the damages awarded between both doctrines. This article suggests a simple solution: applying similar rationales for assessing damages in defamation to sexual harassment decisions.

This article tracks the development of liquor laws in the Northern Territory, considering their impacts on Aboriginal justice outcomes and possible areas for reform. Noting the putative trade-off between health and justice outcomes, it examines the Northern Territory National Emergency Response Act 2007 (Cth), the Stronger Futures in the Northern Territory Act 2012 (Cth) and the 2022–23 Liquor Act 2019 (NT) amendments. Under the most recent Liquor Act amendments, the sale, possession and consumption of alcohol remain restricted in prescribed areas, which must determine the future of their liquor laws by 28 February 2027. This article proposes that greater investment is required to support Aboriginal leadership throughout this decision-making process. Indeed, a central proposition of this article is that the failure to adequately consult Aboriginal communities has been a shared feature of all three laws, and a fundamental barrier to improving Aboriginal justice. Reflecting on the interaction between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal legal systems, this article identifies issues in the current policies that risk replicating the shortcomings of previous laws, thereby failing to empower Aboriginal leadership or improve Aboriginal justice services.

This article examines the legal case for banning ‘no cash’ policies at retailers in Australia, with a focus on fostering inclusivity for unbanked individuals and empowering consumers. The analysis explores three potential options for implementing such a prohibition: leveraging anti-discrimination laws, utilizing consumer protection laws or enacting new legislation. From a legal standpoint, the article argues that retailers should be mandated to accept cash when consumers seek to purchase essential goods and services. Drawing upon relevant legal frameworks, the article highlights the importance of protecting the rights of unbanked individuals and ensuring consumer choice. It explores the potential impacts on financial inclusion and consumer empowerment while considering the risks of financial crime. By delving into these considerations, this article aims to contribute to the ongoing discourse surrounding ‘no cash’ policies, offering insights and recommendations for policymakers and legal practitioners alike in their pursuit of a fair and inclusive society.