This article explores various issues concerned with belonging and identity in the context of community change and residential location. It examines the changing nature of community attachments in later life, and their impacts on the quality of old age lives. It also notes the increased importance of environmental perspectives within gerontology, not least because environments are being transformed through the diverse social, cultural and economic changes associated with globalisation. The argument is developed that globalisation offers a new approach to thinking about community and environmental relationships in later life, and that the impact of global change at a local level has become an important dimension of sociological aspects of community change. It is argued that it is especially important to apply these perspectives to older people, given that many have resided in the same locality for long periods. At the same time, globalisation also gives rise to new types of movement in old age, and is constructing an expanding mix of spaces, communities and lifestyle settings. A key argument of the article, however, is that global processes are generating new social divisions, as between those able to choose residential locations consistent with their biographies and life histories, and those who experience rejection or marginalisation from their locality.

‘University programmes for older people’ (UPOP) have recently expanded rapidly in Europe and are now well established. This study examines the functions and achievements of the programmes and the characteristics of UPOP students in Spain. The evaluation is from a general sociological perspective, and uses data from a survey of a representative sample of the students and other sources. The main socio-demographic findings are that the students are relatively young older people, have a relatively high socio-economic level, and are predominantly women and retired. It is shown that beyond the education imparted, the programmes also fulfil important social roles. A critical analysis of the programmes as social policy highlights their socially selective reach and impacts, and compares their actual and potential functions. Some alternatives are discussed. If UPOP are to maintain their identity as programmes for older people, a different approach is required to reach all elderly people, including the ‘really old’. On the other hand, if the objectives emphasise the promotion of social integration and personal development (in matters other than employment skills), there is no reason why they should be addressed exclusively to people aged 50 or more years (or any arbitrary age). Rather, they should be open to adults of all ages. If this change were made, UPOP would give less reinforcement to a particular social construction of old age.

This article reports a study of older people in higher education, their socio-economic characteristics and the motivations and reported benefits of their studies. Whilst research on older learners is growing, particularly the benefits of the learning process itself, little is known about those who engage in higher education study. The findings are reported of a survey of graduates from the two UK higher education institutions that specialise in part-time study provision. The study population is distinctive in two respects: their participation in the accreditation process and that they complete with a formal qualification. It is shown that, whilst a sizable proportion of the middle-aged and older students are well-off and well educated, there is also considerable heterogeneity and that many are making up for opportunities lost earlier in life. A substantial proportion of the ‘middle-aged’ graduates still saw qualifications as a pathway to enhanced employment opportunities, whereas the older graduates placed more weight on wider benefits. The qualification was seen as an important aspect of their chosen study. Using the responses to qualitative interviews, the article explores the role of the qualification in the lives of the older graduates, and illustrates how this particular kind of study is an element of their strategies to manage the transition from work to retirement, and to make life in retirement more meaningful.

Studies in various countries have reported that older people who are married have better health than older widows. This paper reports a replication of these analyses with Brazilian data. The main objective was to explore the relationships between marital status, individual and household income, and the health of men and women using ordered logistic regression with self-assessed health as the dependent variable. The explanatory variables of interest were gender, marital status, and individual and family income. The data are from a survey of 7,920 non-institutionalised older people resident in the southern state of Rio Grande do Sul in 1995. The survey used a structured, multi-disciplinary questionnaire, which collected information on demographic attributes, household composition, social relations, occupation, income and health status. The results show that widows were 20 per cent more likely to report better health than married women. The women without individual income had worse health than those who did, even after controlling for family income. For men, there were no significant differences in health by marital status. The main recommendation is that the health status and economic circumstances of married elderly women should be given more attention in both research and policy, certainly in Brazil and probably in other Latin American countries. Programmes of income support to the poorest households should include specific transfers to these elderly women. Brazil's Family Health and Older People's Health public programmes should place more emphasis on the health of elderly home-makers.

This study focuses on the role of organisational setting and age in shaping individuals' narratives of embodied selfhood. It compares older and younger women's use of ‘narrative resistance’ to negotiate identity in light of their ageing and the negative social and personal meanings of being fat. Cordell and Ronai (1999) observed three types of narrative resistance among overweight people: loopholes, exemplars and continuums. This paper identifies two others: ‘justifications’, for behaviour that associated with weight gain, and ‘repentance’, for behaviour that reaffirmed a commitment to losing weight. Drawing from six months of participant-observation and in-depth interviews with 20 older and younger female clients of a commercial weight-loss organisation, this article shows that both the meanings women attributed to their experiences of slimming, and their opportunities for benefiting from organisational resources, varied by their stage in the lifecourse. The weight-loss group generated narrative strategies and opportunities for its members that were informed by both cultural constructions of ageing and the organisation's interests. While these strategies stopped short of empowering the clients to abandon restrictive dieting altogether, they did enable the older respondents to excuse temporary setbacks in weight loss and their deviation from (what they described as) the more exacting appearance standards of youth. At the same time, the strategic narratives reaffirmed constructions of ageing that present the older female body as uncontrollable and older women as unconcerned with physical attractiveness.

The way frailty is conceptualised and interpreted has profound implications for social responses, care practice and the personal experience of care. This paper begins with an exegesis of the concept of frailty, and then examines the dominant notions of frailty, including how ‘frailty’ operates as a ‘dividing-practice’ through the classification of those eligible for care. The definitions and uses of ‘frailty’ in three discursive locations are explored in: (a) the Oxford English Dictionary, (b) the international research literature, and (c) older women's accounts of their lived experience. Three distinctive discourses are found, and applying a Foucauldian analysis, it is shown that the differences reflect overlaps and tensions between biomedical concepts and lived experiences, as well as negative underlying assumptions and ‘subjugated knowledge’. The concept of frailty represents and orders the context, organisational practices, social representations and lived experiences of care for older people. The evidence suggests that if, as the older women's accounts recommended, socially- and emotionally-located expressions of frailty were recognised in addition to the existing conceptions of risk of the body, frailty might no longer be thought of primarily as a negative experience of rupture and decline. To encourage this change, it is suggested that practice focuses on the prevention of frailty and associated feelings of loss, rather than reinforcing the feelings and experiences which render a person ‘frail’.