This paper examines the culture and narratives occurring in a purpose-built retirement community. It is argued that in order to understand the effects that such a community can have on wellbeing, it is necessary to analyse the interaction of a variety of interweaving narratives used to sustain a secure micro-cultural base. These narratives include formal representations, daily life as experienced by tenants and imaginative associations within community culture. Retirement communities for older people have been represented as containing the positive features of both residential care and neighbourhood life. They have also been criticised as promoting exclusivity and negative attitudes to outsiders. Tenants reported experiences of a high level of interdependence and peer support. They saw the community as a positive alternative to nursing homes, continued residence in their local neighbourhoods and reliance on family support. It was found that this retirement community was perceived to have a positive effect on wellbeing which was attributed to peer culture and was sustained by imaginative narratives of miracle and progress. However, certain groups were excluded from this dominant reading.

This paper focuses on the subjective experience of extreme old age for 12 people scoring high and low respectively, on wellbeing measures. The purpose was to illustrate and expand upon the quantitatively derived findings from a previous study of nonagenarians living in Stockholm, using a qualitative approach inspired by grounded theory. The results suggest that outlook on life, social and emotional ties, engagement with the outside world and physical capability are important contributors to subjectively experienced wellbeing in this age group.

Whilst there is increasing acceptance that social inequalities have implications for mental health, there is minimal acknowledgement of their effects on the development and treatment of mental ill health in older people. This paper focuses on older women, as they are the majority sufferers of mental illness in later life, and are particularly vulnerable to the cumulative effects of lifelong and age-related inequalities. The authors, who draw upon literature from the fields of gerontology and mental health, argue that for effective care to be developed, older women's mental ill health needs to be seen within the context of their past and present experience of social inequalities. Evidence particularly relates to socio-economic disadvantages as well as to the consequences of discrimination. It is argued that psychological vulnerability is further compounded by the gendered effects of social policy, and by a care system which constructs mental health needs as unrelated to oppression, and dislocated from their economic, social and historical roots. Finally, the authors outline the key components of a care and service system which takes account of social inequalities, and which accords centrality to the experiences, views and opinions of older women with mental health problems.

This paper examines four specific themes relating to older carers' experience: care-giving in the context of particular roles and relationships embedded in biographical histories; care in the context of dementia; care involving skilled or complex health care-tasks; and care of an intimate/personal nature. In each case, we look at the nature of support provided by health care professionals. Analysis of the data suggests several conclusions. Older carers are carrying out a range of tasks including complex health care tasks, many of which were once part of a nurse's remit and role. Nurses approach older carers as a unique but not homogeneous group and acknowledge many of their distinct needs as well as their right to choice concerning the extent of their involvement in care-giving. However, this approach conceals several implicit assumptions and expectations about the role of older carers. In particular, professionals' emphasis on older people's individual choice jars with the latter's own experience of reciprocity existing within the context of lifetime relationships. The paper suggests that modifications have to be made in professionals' approach if older people are to be presented with choice and support in the care-giving they perform.

The research reported here is concerned with the future of informal care over the next thirty years and the effect of changes in informal care on demand for formal services. The research draws on a PSSRU computer simulation model which has produced projections to 2031 for long-term care for England. The latest Government Actuary's Department (GAD) 1996-based marital status projections are used here. These projections yield unexpected results in that they indicate that more elderly people are likely to receive informal care than previously projected. The underlying reason is that the GAD figures project a fall in the number of widows and rise in the number of elderly women with partners. What this implies is that ‘spouse carers’ are likely to become increasingly important. This raises issues about the need for support by carers since spouse carers tend to be themselves elderly and are often in poor health. The article explores a number of ‘scenarios’ around informal care, including scenarios in which the supply of informal care is severely restricted and a scenario in which more support is given to carers by developing ‘carer-blind’ services. This last scenario has had particular relevance for the Royal Commission on Long Term Care.

I wrote a newspaper article describing a branch of the University of the Third Age (U3A). It was given the sub-title ‘It keeps us young’ by the editor without my knowledge or consent. I objected on the grounds that it gave a totally misleading impression of the nature and purpose of the U3A, one which may lead people to suppose that members were striving to be ‘young’. This experience raised the question of the language used to describe those in the Third Age, a controversy in which a number of contemporary gerontologists are involved. It is suggested that some writers are reinforcing the concept of ‘the Ghost in the Machine’ that is commonly held by many lay people, and this leads to confusion about self-identity among those in later life. It is argued that elderly people will be able to map out strategies for successful ageing only if they come to terms with accepting themselves as being old. Longstanding ageist prejudice has tended to create a negative aura surrounding words such as ‘elderly’ and such words need to be rehabilitated.

In recent years, we gerontologists have been forced to re-examine the conceptual base of our work – both in the wake of developments in postmodernist thought, and following the emergence of ageism as a media issue. Two particular problems have been addressed: one is how we recognise and define age in the context of the partly-disaggregated individual human being: body, mind, self, identity, etc. The second is how we relate to popular sentiments, judgements and objectives regarding age: thinking positively, being prejudiced, remaining active, being a burden, etc. On both fronts there has been a shift away from emphasising the significance of age, and one often reads such arguments as: people do not change, they remain the same; but they can continue to develop; but there is a massive diversity; so we must not generalise about age or prejudge older people; and so on. It is not difficult to associate these trends with powerful ideological movements. There is a third issue that lies just beneath the surface: how we gerontologists theorise our own personal experience of ageing.

There is something splendid about the word ageful – a word which I had not encountered before reading Bytheway (2000). Ironically, Bytheway does not share my affection for his invention; rather, for him it seems to have negative connotations, reflected in his comment: ‘as gerontologists we are vulnerable to seeing ourselves and those we study entirely in terms of age: as ageing rather than living individuals: ageful rather than ageless’ (2000: 785–6). But why this juxtaposition between ageing and living? Surely there is an interconnectedness between the two. We are ageing from the moment we are born; the longer we live, the more full of age we become.