The Social Policy Digest went online in the summer of 2003. This means that the Digest, which used to be printed as part of the Journal of Social Policy, is now only available via the web.

Despite high levels of unemployment, South Africa's welfare system is premised on full employment: only those who are too young, too old or too sick to work qualify for social assistance. A government committee recently recommended the introduction of a universal Basic Income Grant (BIG) to address this hole in the welfare net. Now that highly active antiretroviral thereapy (HAART) is being rolled out through the public health sector for people sick with AIDS, the case for a BIG is even more compelling. People sick with AIDS qualify for a disability grant. The HAART rollout offers them the chance of restored health – but it comes at the cost of losing the disability grant because they will be deemed well enough to work. Given South Africa's high unemployment rates, many will not be able to find work, and hence will face a trade-off between health (taking HAART) and income (keeping the disability grant). This could undermine adherence to HAART and/or reduce the effectiveness of the treatment by compromising the nutritional status of patients, thereby facilitating the growth of drug-resistant HIV. Introducing a BIG could help resolve this unintended tension between health and welfare policy.

Qualitative research is ambiguously placed as a source of evidence for policy. It provides a way of accessing the experiences and perspectives of those targeted by welfare interventions, yet it is routinely excluded from the evidence reviews undertaken to inform these interventions. The article explores what qualitative research – mapped and synthesised through a systematic review – can contribute to evidence and policy. Taking teenage motherhood as a case study, it juxtaposes the conclusions of quantitative reviews with themes emerging from a systematic review of qualitative studies of teenage mothers’ lives. It highlights how teenage motherhood, identified in quantitative reviews and in policy interventions as a route to social exclusion, emerges in these studies as an act of social inclusion. It highlights, too, how social disapproval as well as material hardship weigh on teenage mothers, and the potential role that policies could play in supporting the identities and resilient practices mothers develop in the face of material and social disadvantage.

The erosion of the traditional, male breadwinner model family – both normatively and in social reality – has opened up the possibility of more choice in terms of both partnering and the nature of the contributions that men and women make to households, but processes of ‘individualisation’ have also given rise to greater uncertainty.

We know relatively little about how people perceive their options for partnering, re-production and employment at the level of the household, and in particular what they are prepared to ‘take a chance on’, and what kind of security they seek. Yet this is important for policy purposes, particularly in view of the rapid pace of family and labour market change.

This article first addresses the kind of considerations that are necessary for a better understanding of the nature of risks and uncertainty arising from processes of individualisation. The substantive sections that follow draw on in-depth interviews with a heterogeneous sample of 21 cohabiting and married men and women, drawn from an Omnibus representative sample survey. The extent to which individuals regard partnering and childbearing as risks, and how they seek to manage them are explored and the implications for policy assessed.

Paradoxically, the focus on teen motherhood as an object of concern in the West has coincided with declining rates of teen birth. This suggests that the view of teenage motherhood as problematic is underpinned by changing social and political imperatives regarding the role of women in these countries. This article examines the literature surrounding teenage motherhood from the United States, United Kingdom and New Zealand, and explores the way in which normative perceptions of motherhood have shifted over the past few decades to position teenage mothers as stigmatised and marginalised. Two specific discourses – those of welfare dependency and social exclusion – are highlighted, and their mediation through scientific discourses examined. The increasing trend to evidence-based policy development has masked the ideological basis of much policy in this area and highlights the importance of critical evaluation of the discourses surrounding teenage motherhood. A critical examination of the literature suggests that teenage mothers are vilified, not because the evidence of poor outcomes for teen mothers and their children is particularly compelling, but because these young women resist the typical life trajectory of their middle-class peers which conforms to the current governmental objectives of economic growth through higher education and increased female workforce participation.

This article explores some of the emerging tensions in the management of welfare in Britain. The success of Labour's proposals for welfare reform, particularly retirement pensions, hinges on their ability to promote the idea of the consumer citizen and to undermine traditional ideas of citizenship rights. However, managing this transition – including the presentation of ideas and the management of consumers – has not been straightforward. While the Government presents retirement as a matter of lifestyle choice, welfare ‘consumers’ are demanding more of their providers and are regularly disgruntled with the response.

Simultaneously, pension providers are expressing reservations about their ability to manage aggrieved consumers. Furthermore, they believe pension fund management has been politicised, and their scope for discretion reduced by regulation, while technical and scientific developments in terms of portfolio management and risk assessment have changed the working practices of those in the pension industry. These tensions between consumers, providers and legislators may generate further dissatisfaction with the balance of rights and responsibilities being hotly contested.

The devolved government in Northern Ireland set about the task of putting in place ‘a modern and effective system of public administration that can deliver high quality public services to our citizens’. It did so through a review of public administration launched in June 2002. This article offers a formative evaluation of the quest to improve the quality of public services, now being taken forward by a British minister since the suspension of devolution. It argues that the review is being driven by institutional concerns and is devoid of a public service modernising agenda. Additionally, it contends that how people in Northern Ireland perceive public services is contingent on their views on its constitutional status (Direct Rule or devolved government) which, in turn, is linked to their support for the Belfast (Good Friday) Agreement, rather than the performance of public bodies. As a consequence, the reforms may result in little more than institutional tinkering with doubtful impact on the quality of public services.

This article examines police complaints reform in England and Wales during the course of the last 40 years. In that time, four separate complaints systems have been in operation and each has been established at the end of a reform cycle characterised by stages of mounting public concern, appointment of formal inquiries, the legislative process and inception. Recurrent themes identified over the decades have been the trend towards independence, under-representation of complainants’ interests, the longevity of the reform process, and changing police priorities. It is argued that marginalisation of complainants’ interests in the reform process is the principal reason for the endurance of the police complaints problematic.

This article argues that services have been under-theorised, in both welfare economics and social policy analysis. Programmes for opening up public services for competition and choice, and for widening the scope for ‘targeted’ services, treat them as analogous to goods. This ignores relational and contextual elements in human well-being, and the potentially crucial role of services in meeting such needs. The author calls for co-operation between economists and social policy analysts in filling this gap in welfare theory.