This article studies how the Peruvian novelist Mario Vargas Llosa and, more generally, neoliberalism rearticulate the opposition between civilization and barbarism, and the vision of the world that underlies it. During a time in which many intellectuals have embraced a relativistic notion of culture that makes judgment problematic, neoliberals embrace this clear-cut value hierarchy with complete abandonment. In fact, one cannot but be surprised by the ease with which Vargas Llosa makes pronouncements based on the identification of individuals, groups, and political movements with either civilization or barbarism. However, the fact is that his reference to this dichotomy differs substantially from its nineteenth-century version and its colonial precedents. The implicitly racial hierarchization proposed by Domingo Faustino Sarmiento and other nineteenth-century thinkers has been replaced in Vargas Llosa's writings by one based on cultural and social values.

El artículo tiene como objeto abordar la singularidad de las trayectorias de mujeres consagradas durante la última dictadura militar en la Argentina. La hipótesis del trabajo es que su doble condición de mujeres y consagradas las situó coyunturalmente en una posición de ventajas comparativas para hacer frente a la represión estatal. Para llevarlo a cabo reconstruimos un derrotero típico a partir de una selección intencionada de historias de vida y entrevistas a profundidad realizadas a religiosas de diversas congregaciones para luego analizar comparativamente el repertorio de estrategias agenciado por las religiosas para enfrentar la represión estatal en distintos contextos, desplegado a partir de dicho derrotero típico. Para concluir exponemos cuatro tipos de estrategias, que combinan visibilidad y agencia, y que resultan eficaces para sortear exitosamente situaciones de represión estatal en las que estas mujeres se ven expuestas.

We examine the extent to which social networks among indigenous peoples in Mexico have a significant effect on a variety of human capital investment and economic activities, such as school attendance and work among teenage boys and girls, and migration, welfare participation, employment status, occupation, and sector of employment among adult males and females. Using data from the 10 percent population sample of the 2000 Population and Housing Census of Mexico and the empirical strategy that Bertrand, Luttmer, and Mullainathan (2000) propose, which allows us to take into account the role of municipality and language group fixed effects, we confirm empirically that social network effects play an important role in the economic decisions of indigenous people, especially in rural areas. Our analysis also provides evidence that better access to basic services such as water and electricity increases the size and strength of network effects in rural areas.

O presente artigo tem como objetivo analisar a reação da organização indígena na região do norte do Cauca, na Côlombia, em face do confronto armado em seu território no período 2000–2005, tentando explicar como esta organização consegue realizar um tipo de resistência ativa ao conflito. O estudo é essencialmente do tipo etnográfico e trabalha com uma perspectiva que privilegia o estudo dos elementos culturais e identitários para a compreensão das ações coletivas, aos moldes de Sonia Alvarez, Evelina Dagnino e Arturo Escobar (2001) em seu livro “Política Cultural e Cultura Política nos Movimentos Sociais Latino-Americanos”.

O artigo apresenta as interpretações e definições de conflito armado e paz encontradas nos discursos dos membros do movimento indígena nortecaucano. Argumenta-se que, no caso indígena, a cultura e seu processo identitário no âmbito da organização são fontes importantes de elementos simbólicos que sustentam os processos de resistência e ao mesmo tempo criam um espaço alternativo importante sobre o tema do conflito armado e da paz no país a partir da sociedade civil, em contraponto às visões tanto do Estado quanto dos atores armados e suas propostas sobre este tema.

Grounded in literature review and an ethnographic study, this article examines contemporary Brazilian domestic life. Relations among women (employers and maids) and between women and men are analyzed with a focus on the home as a space in which gender, race, and class inequalities are constantly reproduced. The article argues that what happens in domestic life is constitutive of wider social divisions and that the domestic is a universe integral to the national social context. A case in point is the connection between the widespread use of paid domestic labor and the naturalization of black women as subservient, complementing the pairing of whiteness and class entitlement. Another case is the buffering role of maids in the development of gender conflicts in well-off homes, thus blurring gender hierarchies at a broader scale. Locating the domestic within the recent discussion on global domestic labor, the article compares particularities of Brazilian domestic life to those elsewhere.

Now that racism has been officially recognized in Brazil, and some universities have adopted affirmative-action admission policies, measures of the magnitude of racial inequality and analyses that identify the factors associated with changes in racial disparities over time assume particular relevance to the conduct of public debate. This study uses census data from 1950 to 2000 to estimate the probability of death in the early years of life, a robust indicator of the standard of living among the white and Afro-Brazilian populations. Associated estimates of the average number of years of life expectancy at birth show that the 6.6-year advantage that the white population enjoyed in the 1950s remained virtually unchanged throughout the second half of the twentieth century, despite the significant improvements that accrued to both racial groups. The application of multivariate techniques to samples selected from the 1960, 1980, and 2000 census enumerations further shows that, controlling for key determinants of child survival, the white mortality advantage persisted and even increased somewhat in 2000. The article discusses evidence of continued racial inequality during an era of deep transformation in social structure, with reference to the challenges of skin color classification in a multiracial society and the evolution of debates about color, class, and discrimination in Brazil.

El propósito de este artículo es contribuir al debate acerca de la cohesión social en América Latina a través de una propuesta conceptual y metodológica para su estudio. En particular proponemos la noción de trasgresión normativa como modo de entender la solidez-debilidad del vínculo social. A partir de los resultados de un estudio piloto realizado en la ciudad de Santiago de Chile, pudimos constatar que los niveles de trasgresión son generalmente bajos, lo que manifiesta la adhesión a los mecanismos sancionados como legítimos para participar en la sociedad. No obstante, los resultados reflejaron también la existencia de un grupo significativo de jóvenes que transgrede no sólo algunas sino que la mayoría de las reglas que rigen el comportamiento esperable en diversas esferas de la vida social (tanto a nivel de la vida privada como pública). Más importante aún, los resultados de nuestro estudio sugieren que tal actitud o comportamiento transgresor está relacionado con el debilitamiento del vínculo social.

This note reviews the targeting performance of Bolsa Família and its impact on inequality, poverty, consumption, education, health care, and labor force participation. Bolsa Família has several design and implementation characteristics that distance it from a pure human-capital-based conditional cash transfer model. For that reason, we compare the impact of Bolsa Família to that of other conditional cash transfer programs in Latin America, such as in Mexico, Colombia, Ecuador, and Chile. We show that, as have other programs, Bolsa Família has helped reduce inequality and extreme poverty and has improved education outcomes, without having a negative impact on labor force participation. Where the program has failed to have its intended impact, in health and nutrition, supply-side constraints seem to be the principal problem.

Este trabajo busca evaluar las brechas de salarios entre hombres y mujeres a partir de regresiones de cuantiles, utilizando los datos de la Encuesta de Protección Social 2002–2006. Las estimaciones realizadas toman en cuenta la potencial endogeneidad de la variable educación y se incluyen controles de experiencia laboral efectiva.

Se encuentra que el efecto características es pequeño y estadísticamente no significativo hasta aproximadamente el quintil 50 (mediana), donde se hace positivo (favorable a las mujeres) y crece monotónicamente hasta llegar a 12 por ciento en el percentil 90. El efecto parámetro (o componente no explicado) es siempre negativo a lo largo de toda la distribución. Notablemente, no encontramos un efecto techo en el mercado laboral chileno una vez que controlamos por la potencial endogeneidad de la variable educación. Las estimaciones intra-ocupación revelan que las mayores brechas de salarios se encuentran entre trabajadores del comercio y obreros y trabajadores agrícolas calificados.