O antipetismo explica o voto de pelo menos 40 por cento dos eleitores brasileiros para os quais a ideia de eleger o Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) é inadmissível. O antipetista típico tende a ser descrito pela literatura como sujeito branco, escolarizado e anticorrupção. Neste trabalho, argumento que os evangélicos pentecostais, em sua maioria eleitores não brancos e de baixa renda, formam uma sólida base antipetista. Isso ocorre porque os eleitores desse grupo associam ao PT um conjunto de pautas vistas como “identitárias” e “anti-família”. Para testar esse argumento, utilizo dados de quatro rodadas do LAPOP que permitem distinguir a filiação religiosa e analisar o comportamento eleitoral dos respondentes nas eleições realizadas entre 2002 e 2018. Os resultados indicam que os evangélicos pentecostais são menos propensos a (1) votar no PT nas eleições presidenciais; (2) manifestar sentimentos de simpatia em relação ao partido; (3) recompensá-lo nas urnas pelos ganhos em bem-estar induzidos pela implementação do programa Bolsa Família.

This article explores the impact of Afrocubanismo on the development of Cuba’s arts during the 1940s and 1950s. The article follows the discursive output of artists, intellectuals, and cultural policymakers of different racial backgrounds over the deployment of lo negro to construct cubanidad. It argues that, if the 1920s and 1930s experienced a movement towards the construction of a homogeneous mestizo Cuba, the following decades reveal an effort by some artists to desyncretize lo cubano. While some intellectuals constructed notions of authenticity that circumscribed black art to black artists, many white Cuban artists in turn embraced elite Hispanic heritage as their main creative language while valorizing some Afro-Cuban artists’ recreations of lo negro. The article also demonstrates that the scholarly debates about cultural appropriation in recent decades have a long history within the Afro-Cuban community. It shows how Afro-Cuban artists and intellectuals pioneered arguments about the exploitative use of lo negro to make national art and the central role of culture in shaping racial inequality.

Brazil, Chile, and Uruguay today account for well over a third of world exports of cellulose, yet this industry only came into existence in the late twentieth century. The evolution of this industry across the three countries is the object of this study. This nascent industry required direct government support in all three countries to be successful. Forestry laws and government investments in research, education, and factory construction were all needed to encourage local and foreign capital. There were differences among these countries in their linkages to other economic sectors as well as their export mix. But in all three countries, the forestry industry was part of a general modernization of agriculture that allowed for successful competition in world markets.

El trabajo trata cómo el zapatismo ha abordado estéticamente su proyecto político de transformación y a qué frutos estéticos ha llegado. Para ello se realiza una interpretación de cómo se ha creado y recreado la identidad zapatista a través del lenguaje visual de los 203 murales que están en los territorios donde se asientan los Municipios Autónomos Rebeldes Zapatistas, y cómo esta identidad interpela a la imaginería revolucionaria mexicana oficial y crea una nueva iconografía activista para sus bases y para el movimiento de solidaridad. El trabajo se inspira teóricamente en la obra de Geneviève Zubrzycki sobre creación y reestructuración iconográfica, y concluye que el muralismo zapatista tiene rasgos comunes fruto de una amalgama de concepciones no explicitadas de diversos sujetos externos e internos que han ido afrontando de diferentes maneras la vinculación entre arte y transformación social.

This article constructs an understanding of the Brazilian middle classes using economic, sociological, and cultural factors. It argues that the so-called new middle class is actually an expanded vulnerable class, and that the middle classes are simultaneously conscious and in denial of injustice toward the lower classes. The argument is based on an accidental biographical ethnography: reinterpretation of a field journal and the use of one person to understand broader trends. The resulting textual product juxtaposes biographical passages with theoretical analysis, deviating from traditional article structures to share the voice of the biographical participant while also critically examining the implications of this voice.

Many areas in applied econometric research within political economy fail to come up with conclusive findings. This is the case, for example, with studies on the determinants of public social spending in Latin America, a key area of research given the impact of social programs on poverty, inequality, and welfare more generally. In this area, as in others, it is hard to identify clear answers regarding the impact of economic processes and political institutions. Two reasons explain this lack of knowledge accumulation. First, each study uses different data sources and analytical models. Second, some of the empirical strategies required to solve various econometric problems may affect the results. This article questions the role of econometric research as the only method to explore political economy questions and highlights the importance of promoting conversations between complementary methods of both quantitative and qualitative traditions.

In 1939 an earthquake destroyed south-central Chile, especially the city of Chillán. This event was arguably the most catastrophic socio-natural disaster in Chilean history, yet it has been mostly ignored in historical research. This article shows that the earthquake triggered a critical juncture for the Chilean state and was a determining factor in some of the most important institutional developments of the period. Using primary sources, the article describes this juncture, focusing on the destabilizing effect of the earthquake and linking it to the creation of two new state institutions, the Production Development Corporation (CORFO) and the Reconstruction and Assistantship Corporation (CRA), together with other important changes in state capacities. It concludes that the disaster is crucial in understanding the Chilean transition from an exporting economy to an import-substituting one after 1940, and to account for the strength of the Chilean state in the decades to come.

This essay discusses issues of time and temporality in relation to performance art from the Dominican Republic. It contends that Dominican performance artists are advancing critical understandings of what is to be contemporary. The essay considers the work of David Pérez “Karmadavis,” Sayuri Guzmán, and José Ramia as expressing the role of artists in defining and delving into what it means to make art in and of the present, while simultaneously challenging the presentist understanding of time linked to neoliberalism. From this perspective, the article examines the potential of performance art for criticizing and expanding our understanding of time and temporality.

Mounting evidence shows that authoritarian orientations exert a powerful influence on public opinion attitudes and candidate support. The 2018 Brazilian elections brought to power Jair Bolsonaro, a candidate with an open disregard for democracy and democratic institutions. This study examines Brazilian voters’ differences in authoritarianism and electoral support for a right-wing authoritarian candidate. It employs the AmericasBarometer national survey data to demonstrate that authoritarianism is politically important in Brazil because of its association with attitudes toward the use of force as well as with conservative social and political attitudes. The effect of authoritarianism on the probability of voting for Bolsonaro is as large as that of other relevant political behavior variables such as ideology, negative partisanship, or religiosity, whereas nonauthoritarian voters spread their votes across other candidates. Although these other variables are also relevant to Bolsonaro’s victory, his candidacy was uniquely able to mobilize a coalition of authoritarian voters. Whether or not authoritarianism remains a salient cleavage in the electorate is considered along with the consequences of this potential divide for political competition in Brazilian politics.

Desde formas y latitudes distintas, existen llamamientos a la globalización de la educación superior. Pero, ¿qué es lo que realmente se pide? Este artículo examina los programas de enseñanza de teoría y crítica literaria de Argentina, un país históricamente atravesado por el pensamiento europeo, con una sólida producción académica. Encontramos que los programas priorizan la producción nacional y una selección de obras internacionales, con inclinación hacia el pensamiento francés. Estos resultados se explican por la ecología institucional y la distribución intelectual del trabajo entre las instituciones más antiguas y prestigiosas que se centran en el ámbito nacional y las más recientes, con mayor inclinación internacional. También se explican por el peso de la traducción, que permite mayor acceso a materiales. Además, encontramos bibliografía realizada por fuera de América Latina, Europa y Estados Unidos, de académicos globalizados que dejaron sus países de origen para estudiar en Europa y Estados Unidos.

This article seeks to understand the relationship between populism and participatory democracy through analysis of Rafael Correa’s left populist regime in Ecuador (2007–2017). It argues that rather than adhering to its own standard for participatory democracy, what the Correa regime referred to as the “Socialism of Buen Vivir,” it employed the rhetoric of participatory democracy in the service of populist rule. As a result, the Correa regime failed to promote the participatory form of democracy and citizenship promised in Buen Vivir, its version of twenty-first-century socialism. Accordingly, analysis of the Correa regime demonstrates how the concentration of top-down executive power characteristic of populism in general, and rentier populism in particular, impedes the egalitarian and solidaristic mission of participatory democracy. Thus, inductive analysis of the Correa regime reinforces the conceptual understanding that populism is antagonistic and antithetical to participatory democracy.

This article analyzes the US sociologist Donald Pierson’s views on the process of modernization as expressed in research he conducted while residing in Brazil from the 1930s to the 1950s. Looking first at his study on race relations in Bahia and then at his investigations of rural communities in the São Francisco Valley, it shows that Pierson’s exchange with local intellectuals was decisive to his readings of Brazil’s rural, patriarchal past and his understanding of the potential for building a modern social order out of these traditions. His perspective was also evident during the debate on the relation between racism and modernity in the context of the UNESCO Race Relations Project. This examination of Pierson’s work likewise signals how transnational dialogue between the Global North and South contributed to the sociological debate on modernization, and how US scholars ascribed more than one meaning to the modernizing changes underway in peripheral countries around the world.

¿Qué hacen los trabajadores asalariados para responder a situaciones de injusticia en sus lugares de trabajo? Este artículo examina distintos repertorios de acción desplegados por trabajadores en el contexto laboral chileno, caracterizado por altos niveles de desigualdad salarial y una débil estructura sindical. Se analizan ocho grupos focales en los cuales trabajadores conversaron acerca de cómo responder a injusticias percibidas en el mundo laboral. Se identifican cinco repertorios que cuentan con diversos grados de legitimidad según el nivel socioeconómico del grupo: neoliberal, managerial, sindical, fatalista y resiliente. Se argumenta que el repertorio neoliberal ofrece a los grupos profesionales una mayor capacidad de respuesta ante injusticias distributivas y procedimentales, mientras que el repertorio resiliente ofrecería a trabajadores no calificados un set de herramientas culturales para hacer frente a los agravios a la dignidad en los lugares de trabajo. Los grupos de supervisores adoptarían en mayor medida un repertorio managerial, impulsados por gestionar el clima laboral en contextos de baja legitimidad de los sindicatos y miedo al conflicto. Se concluye que en contextos laborales fuertemente desregulados, como el caso chileno, una apropiación diferenciada de repertorios podría contribuir a reforzar las desigualdades existentes en el trabajo.

La Revista de la Universidad Técnica del Estado (1969–1973) fue una publicación periódica de carácter académico que tuvo como objetivo difundir el proceso de transformación de esta casa de estudios gracias al movimiento de la Reforma Universitaria. Estuvo inmersa en la transición política del régimen demócrata cristiano de Eduardo Frei Montalva al programa de gobierno de carácter socialista de Salvador Allende. Su producción editorial e impresión estuvo a cargo de la Editorial UTE y el Taller Gráfico UTE respectivamente, áreas de trabajo relacionadas a la labor de extensión de la universidad. Este artículo pretende establecer un diálogo entre esta publicación y su contexto político-educativo, por medio de la revisión de su variedad temática, autoral y formatos de escritura. Finalmente, se busca visibilizar las dinámicas y experiencias del trabajo de diseño de la revista, a través del análisis de su producción visual (portadas y portadillas gráficas) y el rescate testimonial de integrantes del grupo de diseñadores responsables de cada ejemplar, información inédita hasta el momento.

This research note provides a detailed account of the development and implementation of a household survey conducted in 2016 as part of a larger investigation into the lifeways and political subjectivities of Brazil’s “once-rising poor,” the demographic sector comprising poor and working-class people who experienced various forms of socioeconomic mobility in the early twenty-first century. After reflecting on the challenges of maintaining a critical perspective on class labels and relations that were intensely contested at the time, the article introduces the survey sample (n = 1,204), highlighting variables captured. It then establishes the demographic profile, mobility experiences, political values, attitudes, and behaviors of the sample. The portrait that emerges for this sector is one of economic precarity, heterogeneous experiences of socioeconomic mobility (and nonmobility) over the past two decades, and significant alienation from formal politics.

Este artículo explora el concepto de “utopías realistas” del químico argentino Oscar Varsavsky. Mientras la mayoría de las interpretaciones del trabajo de Varsavsky recuperan sus aportaciones a los estudios de ciencia y tecnología en América Latina, aquí se argumenta que su idea de “estilo científico” forma parte de un marco teórico más amplio. De este modo, la discusión se enfoca en el uso que el autor dio a las ciencias nuevas y al enfoque de sistemas para adaptarlos al proyecto liberador de las utopías realizables. Inicialmente se problematiza el eclecticismo teórico de Varsavsky y su redefinición ideológica ante el fenómeno intelectual argentino de los años sesenta y setenta; después se discute su idea de utopías realizables e ingeniería utópica articulada a la noción de poder y cambio social; finalmente, se exponen los conceptos de racionalidad pueblocéntrica y estilos sociales.

The Dominican Republic retroactively stripped thousands of Dominico-Haitians of their Dominican citizenship yet managed to defuse international opprobrium over time. After a direct assault on people’s citizenship status in 2013 provoked the human rights community’s ire, the DR employed administrative obstructionism to maneuver around human rights activism and institutions. Policies instituted in 2014 appeared to offer a pathway for Dominico-Haitians to reinstate their citizenship yet were so administratively onerous that most of the affected population remains effectively stateless. Administrative obstructionism makes for an elusive target of attack because it unfolds across a series of decisions over time, transfers responsibility from a highly visible leader to dispersed and faceless bureaucrats, and is exceedingly difficult to monitor. Administrative obstructionism drags out proceedings, causing media attention to wither. Because international forces face special challenges in countering this strategy, a strong domestic opposition movement is necessary to sustain pressure on a rights-violating government.

Centrándose en Brasil, este artículo examina los mecanismos coloniales de imposición de la identidad y estética hegemónicas que ocasionaron la invisibilización y silenciamiento de historias y saberes de los grupos colonizados ubicados en situación marginal. Se propone que, como respuesta a este proceso, las identidades marginadas utilizan herramientas insertadas en la estrategia decolonial —desprendimiento y desobediencia— para transgredir la lógica normativa hegemónica en la elaboración de su producción cultural. El texto analiza artistas, obras, acciones y eventos brasileños recientes que, mediante sus poéticas lograron pervertir y concienciar hacia la epistemología impuesta por la colonialidad. Se estudian propuestas transgresoras que se filtraron en las instituciones legitimadas, como las obras de Rosana Paulino, Denilson Baniwa o la exposición Queermuseu, así como otra nacida fuera de los límites institucionales —la pixação— que, debido a su fricción con el modelo social normativo, escapa a cualquier imposición reglamentaria.

This article analyzes the impact of Augusto Pinochet’s autocracy on the Chilean economy. The study compares outcomes under Pinochet’s leadership with those in a synthetic counterfactual made of a weighted average of countries with similar characteristics. It finds that, relative to the control, Chilean income per capita greatly underperformed for at least the first fifteen years after Pinochet’s coup. The results are robust to extending the pool of donor countries and expanding the pretreatment period by switching data sets to capture potential heterogeneity of effects. The evidence suggests that Chile’s remarkable economic growth during the period 1985–1997 did not depend on Pinochet’s autocracy. These results further bring into question the effectiveness of the regime to enhance economic growth and the narrative of the Chilean miracle.