Salutem in Christo

Worthye Sir:

I have receaved all your dispatches bye your fayth-full servant. They Came to my hands September 10 hora 3 post Meridiem. The Kinge is at Yorke. Mye staye is heare at the Councell, commaunded soe bye himselfe when he went. Thear will be a great meetinge of the Lords att Yorke September 24. (Still understand me stilo nostro:) Thiss busynes (it seemes bye your Leter of September 1 stilo Anglicano and was occasioned after your packet was sealed) requyres a great deale of hast, as well for mye saftye, that the Scotts maye not bye petitioninge bringe me into Causless disfavour; as allsoe, and much more, for the Maine busynes it selfe.

Beinge thearfore both Commaunded to staye heare, and unable to travell soe fast as thiss hast requyres, I have written to his Maiestye bye an Express. In that mye Leter I have most humblye, and most earnestlye, besought hime to keepe the business secret from all persons whatsoever, and to send me all papers presentlye backe from his owne hand immediatlye, which I am Confident his Maiestye will doe, and your Leter with the rest.

Thiss daye I gave thiss mye answear into your servants hands; and Thiss daye I sent awaye thiss dispatch to the Kinge, which I have Mentioned. And what answear soever I receave from his Maiestie, or warrant, or directions, for you, and your proceedings in thiss busynes, I will speedelye, and faythfullye impart to you.

In the Mean tyme (as you wright) I Cannot soe Convenientlye or securelye speake with his Maiestye on the sudden as wear fitt; and that the principall and his Confident, desyer to heare mye mind Concerninge these things, I shall plainlye tell it you, and ‘tis as followes.

I thinke it Necessarye for you to hold on to the Treatye with these honest men, with all Care and secrecye, and to drive on the discovrye soe soone it maye be rype. And to assure them they shall not want a Reward befittinge them, if they doe the service. And farther you maye Assure them all secrecye from me; and that I am Confident his Maiestie will be most secret allsoe.

Honoured Sir

Mr Solicitor who bringe's this Letter is to speake with you about a Busines concerning Mr Pretherowe, in which I have moved his Majesty and he is graciously pleased to graunt the same. Soe with my hearty wishes for the perfect recovery of your former health I rest in hast

Your Honours very loving Frend

W: Cant:

Whithall February 24. 1638/9

To the Right Honourable Sir Francis Windebanke Knight one of his Majesties Principall Secretaryes of State these

May it please your Lordship.

His Majesty being informed that his Presentation graunted to Edward Toogood is made use of merely to strengthen a Simoniacall Patrons title, and not according to his Majesties gracious intention, is therefore resolved to revoke the same. And hath commanded me to signify this his Pleasure to your Lordship, that it may be forthwith done, accordingly.

W: Cant:

July: 10. 1637.

To the right honourable the Lord Keeper of the Greate Seale of England.

During the late medieval period, Italian merchants visited England to import luxury items, export wool and cloth and engage in banking operations. Whereas most of these traders spent only short periods in the country, some stayed for longer and formed proper communities. Despite their economic importance, the internal organization of these merchant groups in England has remained largely under-studied. Much more is known about the workings of the Italian communities in late medieval Bruges, the commercial powerhouse on the other side of the Channel, in the county of Flanders. In 1949, for example, the American economic historian Raymond De Roover published a comprehensive article on the merchants of Lucca in the city. De Roover drew on the Libro della comunità dei mercanti Lucchesi, the daily register of the Lucchese community in Bruges, and reconstructed its composition, its organization and the activities of its members.

Evidence for England is much more fragmented and far less detailed, and does not, in itself, allow a similar study. What is usually overlooked, however, is that the Libro della comunità often deals with the activities of ‘our brothers of London’, as the Lucchese in Bruges called their compatriots across the Channel, as well. References to the work and lives of Lucchese merchants in the British Isles can also be found in the collections of the Archivio di stato in Lucca. When pieced together with the scattered English records, these sources give us a surprisingly clear view of the business of one of the most important foreign trading groups in late medieval England. In addition, the activities of merchants and bankers from Lucca can be linked to the often much better documented achievements of Lucchesi outside the commercial sphere. This chapter includes a case study of the Gigli family, who entered England as businessmen but left their most enduring mark as dignitaries of the Church.

Lucchese trade and banking in England

Just like their Florentine fellow traders, Lucchese merchants were eager buyers of high-quality English wool and, increasingly over the course of the late medieval period, English cloth. The main purpose of their visits to the British Isles, however, was the sale of silks.

Salutem in Christo

My very Good Lord.

I am heartily glad you have receaved both my Letters. And that they gave you so Good Content. I assure you, they were heartily written, and I shall ever, while I lyve, make good what was exprest in them. And for Mr Griffith I shall, at his Returne, not faile to give him satisfaction in that which you desyre. And make him know that you stand as well Affected to him, as e’re you did.

I am sorry to heare, that Mr Griffith hath beene so ill; and the rather; Because he did himselfe that Harme by Riding late after he had beene aboute my Busynes. But I am glad to heare from you withall, that the Danger of his Cold is over, and that he purposes shortly to be in London, whither (God willing) he shall be as welcome, as I can make him; And shall know, how Carefully you have written to mee Concerning him. And truly my Lord I doe so far esteeme of his Love, and Fidelity to mee, and his Care in the mannageing of what soever I have committed to him, as that it troubles me not a little, that I am not able to doe for him, as I would. For he desyres some Place about the King, or the Prince, which being out of my way, I have not hitherto been able to effect for him. Thogh where I was able, I was never wanting, nore ever will bee.

As for Mr Hyat, I thank Mr Griffith heartily for the Paynes he tooke with him. And ‘tis noe matter now for his inconstancye. For unlesse I could proove a cleerer Title for the King, there will be noe meddling with it. For most Certayne it is, that Sir Robert Huddlestone hath (as I formerly writt) sold the Inheritance of the Patronage.

The Letter, which I had formerly written to Sir Robert Huddlestone, as thinking he had dwelt in those parts, I have receaved. I pray your Lordship Thank Mr Griffith for his Care in that behalfe.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord,

It cannot be unknowne to your Lordship that his Majesty with a great deale of Religious care, and to his great honour, hath granted a Commission for the Repayre of St Paules Church in London, which as it formerly was wonte, (as appeares by sufficyent Records) soe must it now be helped by publyke Contribution. The Worke is soe great, and necessary, and soe much tending to the Honour of this Kingdome, and Religion established in it, which must needs suffer much, if soe goodly a Pyle of Buylding should moulder away as that his Majesty is confident, noe man's devotion will be cold towardes it: but he expecte's that the Clergye should give good Example, especially the Lords the Bishops. And therfore hath commanded me to wryte to all such of my Brethren the Bishoppes as are absent, to move them in his Majestys Name, and for the honour of the Worke, that they will give towardes it, as theyr severall Estates shall enable them.

These are therfore humbly and hartily to pray your Lordship that you will be pleased, with all convenyent speed, in your Answere to these my Letters or otherwise, as you shall thinke fitt, under your hande to express, what your Lordship will yearly give toward this Great Worke, making your first daye of payment some daye before Christmass next, and then that daye twelve month after, according as my Lords Grace of Canterbury, my self, and other Bishopps here have subscribed. And both our first dayes of payment are in October next. The forme of our Subscription is to this effect.

His Majesty and the Temporall Lords beginn very honourably, and I hope will continue; and for your Lordship I cannot make any doubt, but that I shall receyve a very worthy, and a noble answere from you. And that you may see what is done here, my Lords Grace of Canterbury, and my self have given each of us one hundred poundes a yeare. My Lords of St Davyds, and Rochester, with others, forty poundes a year a piece.

Sir:

I am very gladd to heare of your health, and that your Lady is return’d soe well from the Bath: yet since I find by your letters that shee is not perfectlye recovered of all infirmitys, I must continewe in the judgment I was, which is, that shee must wash out the dreggs of those passionate and sadd thoughts, which were the first cause of her indisposition, or the Bath without will doe but little good. And soe I praye remember my Service to her.

For the Bishoppricke of Bathe it rest's in the Kings thoughts as private as it did. But when I shall knowe what shalbe done with it you shall heare from my selfe with the soonest. And for your question when you shall see mee againe att Holme Lacy if I leave Wales; it is not very hard to be answear’d out of your owne letter. For you write that Wells is within a dayes Journey; and if it bee, then I hope you will keepe your promise to come and see mee, and it is not impossible, but that I may find a startinge tyme to see you and Holme Lacy. And though I shall not wish that any Sickness may bringe your Ladye to Bathe: yet if that or any other good occasion make you stepp farther to Wells, I shalbe gladd to see you both there; if I gett that place; if not then you shall not need to thinke of moveinge Holme Lacy, but as I pass bye to Wales you shalbe sure to be troubl’d with mee.

For your Brother Mr Barnabie I should have bene willinge to have done the best I could for the disposinge of him in Oxford, if I had not found that his resolutions were otherwise settled for Magdalene Colledge; and I am still of opinion consideringe that proffittinge in learninge doth not depend upon the place, that it will not be ever fitt to wrastle too much with his desiers concerninge it. I am sorry the occasion of your Sisters Sickness hath kept him from you (though I perceave hee sent my letters before him) but when hee comes I doubt not but you will find his inclination settl’d as I have tould you.

Salutem in Christo

After my hearty Commendations etc.

Wheras his Majestie out of his Princely bounty to the Repayre of St. Paules Church in London, and his religious care of that great and pious worke, did promise 500li a yeare towards it for the space of 10 yeares, and afterwards as the Worke might then require. And wheras for the last yeare the said promised Summe of 500li could not conveniently be paid into the Chamber of London, by reason of the greate Expense of his Majesties Journey into Scotland. His Majestie taking this into his religious and prudent care, that noe stay of his moneys, upon what urgent cause soever occasioned, might any way hinder the bounty of his well minded People, or cause any the least iealousye of his royall intentions towards that Worke, hath att this present sent in 500li for his payment appointed in November 1632 and 500li his Majestys payment in November 1633 and hath commanded me to see the said Summe sent in, and an Acquittance taken by me to his Majesties use. And haveing now performed this Trust, I thinke it my dutye to his Majestie, to express to your Lordship and the rest of the Aldermen, and Governours of that Honourable Cittye this his Religious and Princely bounty, which I am very confident will quicken the Payments of such wardes as are behind in London, and sett an edge upon your Lordship and other particular men in your severall Proportions to add to that greate worke, which will adde as fast, and as much, to your owne honour, as to Gods Service, and the Churches safetye. And here give me leave to desire of your Lordship and the rest of the Aldermen, an Addition to your former Gifte. For most of the Aldermen att the first tyme gave but 10li a man, wheras divers well minded Citizens have profest unto my selfe, that they would have given a greater Summe then that, if they could have thought it any way fitt or convenient, to give more then their Superiors did. Soe that upon the matter, that lowe example hath much hindred the worke. And if your Lordship and your Brethren shall now be pleased to add, and make your Gift, what ever it be, annuall, it wilbe a greate encouragement to others, and as great advancement to the worke.

Salutem in Christo

My very Good Lord.

I have receaved two Letters from you. In the first was nothing but your Thankes for giving my Stewardshipp to your eldest sonne; And I hope he will doe mee such service in that Place, as that I shall have Cause to Thanke both you and him.

Your second Letters give mee Thankes alsoe for your younger sonne, to whom I have given the Rectory of Odington. Truly my Lord I am as Glad, I had itt in my power to doe you this kindenesse in your sonnes, as you have beene ready for my sake to gratify Dr Morton being placed so far off, as that I could not well doe for him myselfe.5 And this as I had reason to take very kindly from you; Soe I could not rest satisfyed in myselfe, till I had some way or other exprest my Love to you.

Besides your Thankes there is nothing in either of your Letters, save only in the last of them. There you tell mee the Value of Sephton, and I am glad to heare ‘tis soe good. But the Lady Strange is very angry, as I heare, that shee had not one of the Benefices for her Chaplen Mr Hinde. And now I am inform’d that shee purposes sett up an other Title against the Kings for Sephton. Which if shee doe, I know not how to helpe itt. And Dr Morton must arme himselfe against itt, as he Can.

For Standish, I pray be as Carefull of itt as you may, in preserving the Kings Title, and in giving mee notice when it falles. And then if my Lord Strange and his Lady use mee Kindly, I can thinke upon their Chaplen, or otherwise passe him by, as I see Cause. But the lesse Noise is made of Standish, the better. And I beseech you have a Care of itt. So to Gods blessed protection I leave you, and rest

Your Lordships very Loving friend and Brother

W: Cant:

Lambeth. June. 24th. 1639.

To the right Reverend Father in God my very Good Lord and Brother, the Lord Bishop of Chester these

Medieval kingship occurred in specific locations with particular resonances and contexts, such as the coronation ceremony in Westminster Abbey or the daily orders issued from wherever the king happened to be. St Stephen's Chapel and College sat within the important palace of Westminster and were thus part of Richard II's re-creation of the palace complex in the second half of his reign. The chapel was the principal chapel of the palace and the college of canons that maintained and used it were royal servants occupied with administration or serving in the king's household. By examining Richard's relationships with the chapel spaces, where he worshipped, and the college with which he feuded and yet which he protected, we can see his personal ideas about kingship at work. The chapel was not, however, his own design but rather reflected the ideas of his grandfather, Edward III, who had completed the chapel and its heraldic and dynastic decoration. Art historians have built on the work of Colvin and others in understanding the form and access of the medieval palace of Westminster in order to understand the royal patronage that created major building projects and architectural and artistic innovation. This essay is a case study in the use of these spaces and an examination of larger ideologies of kingship as they functioned within one of Richard's most important palaces. The reign of Richard II was also a critical one for St Stephen's College as it sought to firmly establish itself. This essay examines its existence at an important turning point as it both defined itself, and came to be defined, in relation to the king and the neighbouring Westminster Abbey. It is thus a study in the continuing adaptation of an institution during turbulent times. By 1399 the college was secure in its ecclesiastical rights and tenures. But it had not always looked possible.

St Stephen's Chapel and College within Westminster

Within the palace of Westminster, St Stephen's was both a building and an institution. The two-storey chapel of St Stephen and St Mary Undercroft, with the oratory of St Mary le Pew on its south side, stood on the Westminster riverfront, highly visible to passing water traffic and easily accessible from both the administrative areas and the privy palace, as seen on the plan of the palace shown below.

MONTPELLIER 8 AND THE PETRONIAN REPERTORY

ONE of the distinctive features of Montpellier fascicle 8's predominantly unica collection of motets is a seemingly innovative and even experimental tendency. The increased freedom of the triplum in the texture of three-voice writing was important to this. The composition of a new triplum for Mo 7,282 in Mo 8,330 is a clear indication of the centrality of such voice-parts to innovation. In some cases the stylistic novelty is apparent in the greater continuity of triplum phrases compared with the shorter-breathed statements of the lower voices (e.g. Mo 8,305 and 316); but the triplum may also move consistently faster than the lower voices (as in Mo 8,311). The extreme manifestation of the tendency is in the motets using the rhythmic and notational developments of Pierre de la Croix (Petrus de Cruce) (Mo 8,317, 332, and 338). In these motets the tenor is slowed down to move mostly in perfect longs, while the triplum is accelerated through the frequent use of short semibreves.

Petronian style is a feature shared with fascicle 7. Jacobus cited the tripla of the two motets commencing that fascicle (253 and 254) as illustrations of the innovation in Petrus's style. If the Petronian style is gauged in the light of these citations to depend essentially on the subdivision of the breve into more than three semibreves, then the incidence of the style in the Montpellier codex, and perhaps then of Petrus's compositional output, is easy to reckon. Ernest Sanders and Peter Lefferts followed this criterion in the New Grove article on Petrus de Cruce, identifying a repertory of eight pieces, five uniquely in fascicle 7 (253, 254, 264, 298, and 299), two uniquely in fascicle 8 (317 and 332), and one that is found with variants in both fascicles (Mo 7,289/8,338).

Although Jacobus identified Petrus specifically with the extension of Franconian practice in respect of the semibreve, he noted that Petrus did this ‘sometimes’. The implication, then, could be that Petrus's compositional practice was not limited to the exploitation of this characteristic. In his survey account of the thirteenth-century motet, Richard Crocker proposed a broader Petronian repertoire likewise extrapolating from the two pieces identified by Jacobus but not restricted to compositions using higher subdivisions. Neither essay associated 7,294 with Petrus, despite the presence of two 4-groups in the triplum.

Salutem in Christo

My very Good Lord

I perceave by bringing your sonne into an Office soe neare mee, I have brought a Blabb into my house. For I cannot have a Horse dye, but he gives knowledge of itt to your Lordshipp and then by and by you send mee another. I am very glad you are soe well furnisht; but I would not have you empty your owne Stable to fill myne; Especially att this tyme, when you must have use of a good one your selfe to come upp, and when you are here, to ride to Parliament. Howsoever, I hope I shall see you shortly; and then I will thanke you for your Kindenes; and shall bee able to spare you this Horse which you have given mee for you to ride to Parliament if you please to save the Charges of bringing upp another. How you are fitted for a Lodging when you come, I know not. Butt here is a Neighbours House of myne at Lambeth, very Convenient, which you may have wholly to your selfe if you will. And I pray send mee word with as much speede as you can whether you like it or noe; for itt will cost you little, and you may goe over the water with mee in my Barge. Soe to Gods blessed protection I leave you and rest

Your Lordships very Loving friend and Brother

W: Cant:

Lambeth. March. 10th. 1639./40.

To the right Reverend Father in God my very Good Lord and Brother the Lord Bishop of Chester these

After my harty comendations etc.

These are to lett you knowe, that where as there is a Cause of Mr James Harringtons concerninge the Right of his Fellowshipp nowe dependinge before mee, I gave him the said Mr Harrington sufficient tyme to provide his witnesses and his proofe withall other things necessary for his defence. It seemes that heerupon hee agreed with Mr Warden his Governour to come upp to London for the endinge of this Cause, and accordingly came. But when hee had brought Mr Warden and some of the Fellowes about this business to London, pretendinge that hee was, or at least not denyinge that he was not, reddy for hearinge, hee presently the next daie without givinge notice to any of them returnes backe againe to Oxford (as tis said) under a pretence of a Commission taken out, to examine his witnesses upon Oath: butt as I have cause to thinke to seeke delayes to keepe of﹛f﹜ the hearinge. This carriage of Mr Harrington's towards his Governour was very uncivill and unmannerly; and such as I doe not thinke should be lefte unpunishd. I have many waies heard howe often hee hath sleightd and wrong’d both the Governour and the Government of that worthie Foundation, and it may bee, he did this to make mee beleive the rest. His suddaine departure gave mee noe tyme to summon him to appeare att a sett daie. And if I had, it may bee he would have bene as bould with mee, as hee hath beene with Mr Warden, which I should more easily have borne, then I will this Contempt of his home Governour. These are therefore to requier you Mr Warden and the rest of the Fellowes whom by Statute it may concerne, to call Mr Harrington before you, and presently to suspend him from all proffitts of his Fellow-shipp, untill such tyme as his Cause bee heard: And this not withstandinge my former directions to the contrary.

Salutem in Christo.

My very good Lord

I receav’d your Lordships Letters of March 15 and I thanke you heartily for them. And particularly for the Relation, which you have given me at large, of the Conference betweene my Lord of Downe, and his Non-conformists. For the thing itselfe, I cannot discommend my Lord of Downe his good Intention, for that I think hee had, nor commend his Discretion, for that certaynly fail’d, to suffer that which was settled by publick Authoritye in the Church, to be publickly disputed agaynst, by refractory Spirits. But I doe not wonder, that those men should make a false, and an unworthy repetition of the Dayes worke. For never yet did I know any Conference held with them, private, or publick, that was afterwards set down by them according to truth. And therefore in that respect also, my Lord of Downe should have been a little more carefull, not to have enter’d upon the Conference. I think ‘twere not amisse, that my Lord of Downe was spoken withall, or if he be absent, written unto fayrely either by my Lord Deputie himselfe, or by the Archbishop under whom he is, to Advise him from holding any more Conferences, without Speciall Command by both Church, and State. And that will be best for my Lord himselfe; because then, if the report of the Conference come to the Kings Eare, I can the better make Answer how sensible both Church and State there have beene of this unwarrantable Proceedeing. And more then probable it is, if they have spread a Pamphlet, to cry up themselves, and their Cause, that hither it may come, and to the Kings knowledge.

Your other Busines is greater than this.7 And there hath in later tymes beene some strugling aboute it, here in England. And some Judges have inclyn’d too far, to your Chiefe Barons Opinion, and thought that the Courte Christian, after the Administration once granted, had noe more to doe. Which should it be true, the Adminstrator may goe away with all the Estate, and leave the rest of the Children, which sometymes are many, wholly to his mercye. Besides the Court Christian hath alwayes practised this Apportioning of Goods ever without interruption.

Worthye Sir:

I am full of AshWensdaye, and the busynes which waytes upon it, soe that your Leters could not have taken me fuller of thoughts, or less able to entend your busynes, then I am att thiss present. I would not but you should attend the service of his Maiestye in the loane, and nourishe that good opinion he hath of you. And for your chapman you have noe reason to make him jealous bye a journye (as he maye thinke) to survay the Markett. Sure I am, use, that eats all men, will not spare you if you keepe betweene the teeth of it: which have ever binne found to be grinders; and you doe well to thinke betymes howe to slipp from them. The Manner you saye must be bye sale of lande. And your desyer to part with some lande hath thrust you into a scruple of conscience. For direction in thiss you Call to me, soe far as it is Matter of Conscience. And thoughe you knowe I trust not Leters with anye thinge of Moment, yett Consideringe your occasions I will dispence with my resolution, trust your Messenger with mye Leters, and your selfe with the Contents.

If you find not all soe clearlye Expresed as you desyer, you must attribut it partlye to the knotts which ar in the busynes; and partlye to the little tyme I have to cleare them. I am sorye soe much of your estate is in Impropriations: For it seemes the sale you intend will not wholye quitt your state of them. And your Auncestors should have done well to have bought other lande, thoughe they had payed dearer for it. But thiss is nowe remediless, and ‘tis a Remedye which you seeke after; Indeed manye Remedyes in one. A Remedye against your debt. A Remedye against use. A Remedye against Impropriations themselves if they maye be solde to Remedye your state. To the busynes then.