English-speaking children sometimes make errors in production and comprehension of biclausal questions, known as “Scope-Marking Errors”. In production, these errors surface as medial wh questions (e.g., What do you think who the cat chased? (Thornton, 1990)). In comprehension, children respond to questions like How did the boy say what he caught? by answering what was caught (de Villiers & Roeper, 1995). These errors resemble wh-scope marking questions, attested in languages like German. Together, these errors suggest temporary adoption of multiple UG-licensed grammars (e.g., Yang, 2002). However, Lutken et al. (2020) found that children who make these errors in production do not necessarily make errors in comprehension and vice versa. They suggest these errors stem from children’s immature processing mechanisms. This article examines children’s production, comprehension, and processing capabilities, specifically working memory (WM). We find a correlation between WM and error rate and suggest separate causes for production and comprehension errors.

Phoneme discrimination is believed to be less accurate in non-native languages compared to native ones. What remains unclear is whether differences in pre-attentive phonological processing emerge between the first foreign language (L2) and additional ones (L3/Ln), and whether they might be influenced by the acquisition setting (formal vs. naturalistic). We conducted an event-related brain potential oddball study with native Polish learners of English (L2) and Norwegian (L3/Ln). The results revealed a graded amplitude of the mismatch negativity (MMN) effect, which was largest in L1, smaller in L2, and smallest in L3/Ln. Considering the previously obtained results for naturalistic/mixed learners with the same language combination, we believe that the acquisition setting is an important factor influencing the perception of phonemic contrasts. In the naturalistic group, no difference was observed between L1 and L2, while the instructed group exhibited more fine-grained distinctions between all tested languages.

Learning the meaning of a word is a difficult task due to the variety of possible referents present in the environment. Visual cues such as gestures frequently accompany speech and have the potential to reduce referential uncertainty and promote learning, but the dynamics of pointing cues and speech integration are not yet known. If word learning is influenced by when, as well as whether, a learner is directed correctly to a target, then this would suggest temporal integration of visual and speech information can affect the strength of association of word–referent mappings. Across two pre-registered studies, we tested the conditions under which pointing cues promote learning. In a cross-situational word learning paradigm, we showed that the benefit of a pointing cue was greatest when the cue preceded the speech label, rather than following the label (Study 1). In an eye-tracking study (Study 2), the early cue advantage was due to participants’ attention being directed to the referent during label utterance, and this advantage was apparent even at initial exposures of word–referent pairs. Pointing cues promote time-coupled integration of visual and auditory information that aids encoding of word–referent pairs, demonstrating the cognitive benefits of pointing cues occurring prior to speech.

To bring linguistic theory back in touch with commonplace observations concerning the resilience of language in use to language change, language acquisition and ungrammaticality, Pullum and colleagues have argued for a ‘model-theoretic’ theory of syntax. The present paper examines the implications for linguists working in standard formal frameworks and argues that, to the extent that such theories embrace monotonicity in syntactic operations, they qualify as model-theoretic under some minor modifications to allow for the possibility of unknown words.

Many studies have explored children’s acquisition of temporal adverbs. However, the extent to which children’s early temporal language has discursive instead of solely temporal meanings has been largely ignored. We report two corpus-based studies that investigated temporal adverbs in Finnish child-parent interaction between the children’s ages of 1;7 and 4;11. Study 1 shows that the two corpus children used temporal adverbs to construe both temporal and discursive meanings from their early adverb production and that the children’s usage syntactically broadly reflected the input received. Study 2 shows that the discursive uses of adverbs appeared to be learned from contextually anchored caregiver constructions that convey discourse functions like urging and reassuring, and that the usage is related to the children’s and caregivers’ interactional roles. Our study adds to the literature on the acquisition of temporal adverbs by demonstrating that these items are learned also with additional discursive meanings in family interaction.

This paper examines patterns in an Estonian–English bilingual child’s spontaneous speech, employing a computational application of the traceback method, which is used in usage-based linguistics. Forty-five hours of data were analyzed to check what proportion of patterns from code-mixed utterances are attested in the child’s monolingual data and in her input. Pattern overlap between the child’s and the caregivers’ speech was also examined. Results show that about one-third of code-mixed utterances can be traced back to the child’s input and one-third also to her own monolingual data. A little over half of the child’s utterances are either chunks or frame-and-slot patterns from the caregivers’ speech. These results make it evident that the traceback method can also be applied to language pairs that are genealogically more distant, though limitations exist.

Young children sometimes incorrectly interpret verbs that have a “result” meaning, such as understanding ‘fill’ to refer to adding liquid to a cup rather than filling it to a particular level. Given cross-linguistic differences in how event components are realized in language, past research has attributed such errors to non-adultlike event-language mappings. In the current study, we explore whether these errors have a non-linguistic origin. That is, when children view an event, is their encoding of the event end-state too imprecise to discriminate between events that do versus do not arrive at their intended endpoints? Using a habituation paradigm, we tested whether 13-month-old English-learning infants (N = 86) discriminated events with different degrees of completion (e.g., draw a complete triangle versus draw most of a triangle). Results indicated successful discrimination, suggesting that sensitivity to the precise event end-state is already in place in early infancy. Thus, our results rule out one possible explanation for children’s errors with change-of-state predicates—that they do not notice the difference between end-states that vary in completion.

Previous research on infant-directed speech (IDS) and its role in infants’ language development has largely focused on mothers, with fathers being investigated scarcely. Here we examine the acoustics of IDS as compared to adult-directed speech (ADS) in Norwegian mothers and fathers to 8-month-old infants, and whether these relate to direct (eye-tracking) and indirect (parental report) measures of infants’ word comprehension. Forty-five parent-infant dyads participated in the study. Parents (24 mothers, 21 fathers) were recorded reading a picture book to their infant (IDS), and to an experimenter (ADS), ensuring identical linguistic context across speakers and registers. Results showed that both mothers’ and fathers’ IDS had exaggerated prosody, expanded vowel spaces, as well as more variable and less distinct vowels. We found no evidence that acoustic features of parents’ speech were associated with infants’ word comprehension. Potential reasons for the lack of such a relationship are discussed.

In this article, we report on a number of violations of (or exceptions to) the so-called V2 constraint in different variants of Icelandic. The main purpose is to investigate what these violations can tell us about the nature of the V2 constraint, its vulnerability, the limits of syntax, and about children’s ability to sort out what is relevant and what is not in the input they hear during the acquisition period. Three main explanatory possibilites are taken under consideration: the use and acceptance of sentences with V2 violations in Icelandic (i) is due to English influence, (ii) indicates an expansion of patterns existing in the language for language-internal reasons, (iii) is due to a task effect. In brief, our results support (i) for heritage Icelandic but not for non-heritage Icelandic, while different subsets of our data are best accounted for in terms of either (ii) or (iii).

Pointing plays a significant role in communication and language development. However, in spoken languages pointing has been viewed as a non-verbal gesture, whereas in sign languages, pointing is regarded to represent a linguistic unit of language. This study compared the use of pointing between seven bilingual hearing children of deaf parents (Kids of Deaf Adults [KODAs]) interacting with their deaf parents and five hearing children interacting with their hearing parents. Data were collected in 6-month intervals from the age of 1;0 to 3;0. Pointing frequency among the deaf parents and KODAs was significantly higher than among the hearing parents and their children. In signing dyads pointing frequency remained stable, whereas in spoken dyads it decreased during the follow-up. These findings suggested that pointing is a fundamental element of parent-child interaction, regardless of the language, but is guided by the modality, gestural and linguistic features of the language in question.