The nature and timing of the transition to farming north of the Linearbandkeramik zone in Europe is the subject of much debate, but our understanding of this fundamental shift in lifeways is hampered by the low resolution of available data. This article presents new multi-proxy evidence from Swifterbant (4240–4050 BC), in the Dutch wetlands, for morphologically domestic cattle with two different dietary regimes. The authors argue that the results indicate early animal management, alongside arable farming and the continuance of foraging practices, prompting the reconsideration away from broad statements about the Neolithic north of the Linearbandkeramik zone towards more local trajectories.

The presence of domestic animals is a key feature of the Neolithic. Their earliest presence in archaeological contexts across the European continent is often interpreted as reflecting farming practices. However, domestic animals often escape, survive, and become feral. Using the comparative example of colonial North America, this article's aim is to illustrate what happens when livestock are introduced to a new, continental temperate environment. Taking a dual historical and archaeological perspective, the author reiterates and elaborates on the suggestion that feral animals were almost certainly a feature of the European Neolithization process.

The Northern European Mesolithic is well known for the manufacture of composite tools and weapons for specialised purposes. A composite implement recovered from the Early Holocene site of Krzyż Wielkopolski 7 in Poland, dated to the Preboreal/Boreal transition, raises questions about expediency versus efficiency in the fabrication of these artefacts. Here, the authors characterise its materials and production: a bone splinter mounted on a shaft of pine wood, secured with bast ligatures coated in birch bark tar. While the manufacture of the implement's individual components can be characterised as ‘expedient’, the finished implement is, however, complex, efficient and durable.

This article presents current research on cooking stone pits in northern Germany and southern Scandinavia and examines their function and interpretation. It focuses on recent findings at the site of Mang de Bargen in northern Germany, which contained pit arrangements in various configurations, including a new circular one. The latest 14C dates from Mang de Bargen suggest that the circular formations constitute the earliest evidence of cooking stone pits known so far. A supra-regional comparison, concentrating on the distribution and dating of cooking stone pits in northern Europe, and an analysis of their content, arrangement, and topographic location allows the author to propose how they may have been used.

Focusing on the North European heathlands, this project investigates how self-organised communities in the past established large-scale grazing regimes. By considering changes in their particular forms of disturbance, exhaustion, autonomy and collaboration, the author envisages a new archaeology of emergent multispecies entanglements across a deep-time scale.

The north-west Pacific nemertean Cephalothrix simula has been introduced to the Pacific coast of North America, to the Mediterranean Sea and to the Atlantic coast of the Iberian Peninsula. This paper describes the first records of Cephalothrix simula from northern Europe, revealing a broader range for this non-endemic palaeonemertean species. A tree-based species delimitation method (Poisson Tree Process) employing the mitochondrial cox1 gene fragment reveals that four of five Cephalothrix specimens collected from The Netherlands correspond to Cephalothrix simula and only one to the endemic Cephalothrix rufifrons. The Cephalothrix simula sequences from The Netherlands exhibit the highest similarity with sequences from the native area and those from the invaded area in southern Europe. Its co-occurrence with the native Cephalothrix rufifrons in the same habitat is reported. External characters potentially distinguishing live Cephalothrix simula from Cephalothrix rufifrons are given. This finding raises the number of recorded species in The Netherlands to 20.

The archaeological study of assembly practices in the medieval west is often met with scepticism. The reliance on late documentary records and place-names, and the difficulties inherent in defining what actually constituted an ‘assembly’, are just some of the issues that face researchers. This paper brings together some of the first collated and excavated evidence by the HERA TAP project 1, and offers a cross-European perspective, drawing attention to the great variety of systems and types of structure created for the purpose of assembly in the late prehistoric and medieval eras. Selected case studies emphasize the chronological variations in the inception and life-span of assembly places and underline the diverse relationships of designated assembly sites to pre-existing landscapes, resource patterns, and social structures. Connections between the ‘architecture’ and location of these sites, and their role in the creation, maintenance, and signalling of collective identities are suggested.

Radiocarbon dating of 32 stratigraphic samples aided by Bayesian analysis has allowed the author to produce a high precision chronology for the construction and development of a continental Neolithic long barrow for the first time. She shows when and how quickly people living on the shore of the Baltic adopted pit graves, megalithic chambers and long barrows. Better than that, she provides a date for the famous cart tracks beneath the final barrow to 3420–3385 cal BC. Although other parts of the package — ploughing and pottery — are late arrivals, her analysis of the global evidence shows that Flintbek remains among the earliest sightings of the wheel in northern Europe.

The traditional explanation for the presence of Roman artefacts beyond the Roman Empire's frontiers is that these were objects of trade, but this view has been modified in two studies published around the same time. Although they both referred to areas north of the Rhine, each was based on different theoretical premises and presented a different explanation for the presence of Roman artefacts in these areas. One study, based on the concept of world systems theory, concluded that there were uninterrupted and mutually beneficial trade relations across the frontier. The other study was based on a linear culture-historical approach, and it concluded that there were no trade relations between the Empire and the ‘barbarians’, but that Roman artefacts were the result of specific historical events of brief duration. The present article analyses these apparently conflicting outcomes. It focuses on Roman artefacts from the Netherlands, specifically those from the modern province of Friesland, about 150 km north of the Rhine/the Limes.

Changing from a conventional livestock production system, based on fertilized grass swards, to an organic management system requires the establishment of legume-based swards to replace the purchased fertilizer nitrogen. This paper reviews experimental-based research on both the comparative economics of legume-based systems and grass swards and also the economic advantage that forage legumes confer on organic systems. A methodology to determine the production costs and economic values of a variety of forage legume systems is outlined. The resultant methodology is then applied to experimental results from trials, conducted at a wide range of sites in northern Europe, to determine the comparative profitability of different legume-based systems of silage production under conventional management. The results indicate that potentially red clover (Trifolium pratense L.), and to a lesser extent white clover (Trifolium repens L.), and lucerne (alfalfa) (Medicago sativa L.), can produce higher profits per hectare than grass-based systems using high levels of nitrogen fertilizer. Galega (Galega orientalis Lam) and lotus (Lotus corniculatus L.) can, in certain circumstances, be economically competitive with fertilized grass swards, but would generally not be the forage legumes of first choice. From an economic standpoint, forage legumes are probably best grown in a mixture with grass. As some of the experimental sites involved organic treatments, the analysis has been extended to include an assessment of the comparative economics of organic systems of production based on forage legumes, relative to conventional grass-based systems. Thus, the third part of the paper is concerned with quantifying the economic advantage to organic systems conferred by forage legumes. The results indicate that, under careful management, their use for silage can produce higher profits per hectare for organic dairy systems than those obtained from conventional grass-based systems. While the relative performance of organic systems is strongly influenced by the price premium paid for organic milk, which has declined in recent years, not all the projected economic advantage of legume-based organic dairy systems is eroded by this trend. However, economic advantage is not enough to secure the widespread adoption of forage legumes. This will depend on technological developments and management practices which reduce the risks associated with both more difficult crop establishment and higher nitrate leaching of forage legumes as compared to grass swards.

Stable isotope analysis has startled the archaeological community by showing a rapid and widespread change from a marine to terrestrial diet (ie from fish to domesticated plants and animals) as people moved from a Mesolithic to a Neolithic culture. This could be a consequence of domestication, or as Julian Thomas (2003) proposed, of a kind of taboo (‘Touch not the fish’). In a key challenge, Nicky Milner and her colleagues (2004) questioned the reality of this nutritional revolution, contrasting the message of the bones and shells found on settlement sites, with the isotope measurements in the bones of people. Here Mike Richards and Rick Schulting, champions of the diet-revolution, strongly reinforce the arguments. The change was real, it seems: so what does it mean? Milner and colleagues respond.

The authors comment on ways of comparing the results of stable isotopes, on the one hand, and faunal remains, on the other, as evidence for diet

The study of the proportions of stable isotopes of carbon and nitrogen which survive in ancient human and animal bones offers highly suggestive indications of ancient diets. Among the most remarkable results from such investigations is the dramatic change in diet which is thought to have occurred between the Mesolithic and the Neolithic when people turned from maritime to terrestrial food, from fish to meat and vegetables. The three contributions which follow challenge, modify, enhance or reflect on this model. In a pivotal critique of the evidence from Britain and Denmark, Milner et al. present a range of explanations for the signals of a maritime or terrestrial emphasis in diet and conclude that the change need not have been either rapid or total. Lidén et al. show that, in southern Sweden, the preferences for fish over meat were related less to period or culture, but (reasonably enough) to location: fish-eaters live by the sea. Finally Robert Hedges takes up the question of partial marine diets and how to detect them, developing the idea that marine diets might give a fainter signal in people who were only getting small amounts of protein. Perhaps there were many such people in the new order of the Neolithic …

How and when was northern Europe reoccupied at the end of the last Ice Age? Radiocarbon dates from the earliest post-glacial contexts provide one answer: they offer a sequence in which the regions of Europe, from the Upper Rhine to Britain, saw the return of humans. The authors use Bayesian methods to model a chronology and thus arrive at a sequence with clear assessments of uncertainty.