This chapter examines the published work and careers of American conservationist William Vogt and Brazilian physician-geographer Josué de Castro during the early Cold War. It emphasizes the different affective strategies that the two men employed to persuade readers of their competing positions regarding the relationship between human population, arable land, food supply, and global security. As a briefly prominent intellectual from the global South, De Castro challenged the emerging, US-led consensus that population control was essential for economic development. Based on his own experiences among marginalized Brazilians, De Castro viewed Vogt’s concern with “carrying capacity” limits as an imperialist imposition on the autonomy of less empowered people. He feared that prioritizing population reduction as the solution to resource scarcity would undermine movements for social and economic transformation, such as agrarian reform in rural Latin America. With little personal experience of the world’s poor, Vogt projected a pessimistic vision of the future on continents overrun by desperate, starving hordes. De Castro’s contrasting vision, on the other hand, stemmed from frequent encounters with the chronically hungry and a more sympathetic understanding of their plight.

The nineteenth century saw a transformation in the concept of colonization as political economists recast the term to refer to directed migration and settlement processes. Brazilian statesmen, intellectuals, and businessmen in the newly independent Brazilian Empire (1822–1889) embraced this new brand of colonization as an advantageous policy expedient because it aligned with old regime peopling practices, promised to resolve the question of slavery, and, significantly, held the prospect of individual profits, particularly if carried out by colonization companies. Brazilian engagement with colonization fit within a wider series of colonization processes unfolding within European empires or their overseas dominions as well as throughout the new republics in the Americas. Comparing and connecting the Brazilian case to concurrent peopling efforts across the globe unsettles understandings of colonization as part of a global settler revolution of which Brazil figured as a peripheral case. The key role played by companies as the harbingers of a new colonization paradigm underscores profit as a guiding principle in Brazilian colonization schemes in the nineteenth century.

This chapter attempts to explore global trajectories of birth control, family planning, and reproductive health and rights discourses in the modern world by comparing experiences of countries in the Global South with the Global North. Women all over the world have long had some control over their reproductive bodies. “Planning” became a very crucial concept within the global development discourse put forward during the post Second World War. One of the main resources that needed to be planned was population, thus “family planning” emerged as a novel form of population control. This ideology was supported by philanthropic institutions such as the Rockefeller Foundation and the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and by international conferences on population and development. Sri Lanka was a colony of the Western powers for four centuries (1505-1948), then a development “model” for South Asia in the 1970s, then the site of a civil war (1983-2009). Sri Lanka offers a more inclusive conceptual framework to understand how policy decisions taken in the Global North fails to have the same impact in the Global South. This chapter shows how policies must adapt to the local realities of the Global South irrespective of ratifying global population and development conventions.

China’s economic boom was based on three legacies of its socialist era: vastly improved population health, eradication of illiteracy, and a country’s population divided into two classes by household registration status. A healthy, largely literate, and underprivileged rural population was the main driving force for China’s economic boom. China had an abundant supply of labor, but it was not just cheap labor – it was good labor, and labor made cheap by China’s socialist legacies that subjected the rural population to secondary citizenship status.

Along with the establishment of values and belief systems, the early years, from birth to 12 years, are increasingly recognised as the crucial time in which the foundations for life are laid, with significant consequences for educational success, resilience and future participation in society. The formative years are the years in which the capacity for carers and educators to make a difference can and does have profound effects. Carers and educators need specialist preparation because they are required to promote and teach health and wellbeing and to have the skills and knowledge to understand and manage the plethora of issues related to young children. Around the world, including in Australia, early years education is undergoing significant reform as the potential for educators to improve children’s quality of life is better understood. These reforms herald health and wellbeing as central constructs of this agenda. This chapter explores the concepts of health and wellbeing and shares some of the initiatives that have put health and wellbeing on the agenda for early years learners in contemporary times.

The evolution of population and settlement in the Iberian Peninsula during the Middle Ages has similarities and differences with the rest of Western Europe. The differences arise from the process of territorial expansion and feudal colonization developed by the Christian kingdoms against Al-Andalus. That also determined diverse situations among the Christian kingdoms and regional contrasts within them. This chapter explores the evolution of population between approximately 1000 and 1500. The introduction offers a preliminary reflection on the sources and their possibilities and limits. In the second section, the patterns of population change and migration are discussed. Despite some methodological issues, some population figures and their evolution are offered for each area. This shows an evolution in which the late medieval crisis and, above all, the Black Death had a great impact, although uneven in the different kingdoms and territories. The study of rural and urban settlements is addressed in the third section, relating its characteristics and evolution to the social and economic structure in the different areas. Finally, the fourth section studies the population weight and the characteristics of the following urban socio-professional sectors: workers, artisans and merchants.

Chapter 4 discusses the transition from Ly to Tran dynasties in the early thirteenth century as a result of the rise of the Jiaozhi Sea. It marks a fundamental shift in political power from the upper-mid Red River valley to the coast. The Ly Dai Viet was a mid-river principality that ruled no more than half of the delta. By the middle of the twelfth century, Ly Dai Viet was looking increasingly seaward. Changing external factors played a major role in accelerating this transition. The main drive was Southern Song dynasty’s need for Yunnan horse that brought huge cash to the Guangxi border facing the Gulf of Tongking. Jiaozhi Sea networks flourished. Dai Viet’s main port shifted from the central Vietnam to Van Don, where merchants from Champa traded aromatics with the silk merchants from Sichuan. It was against this background that the Tran family from Fujian rose and replaced the Ly dynasty. The rise of the Jiaozhi Sea and resurgence of the Tongking Gulf accelerated the integration of the political forces of the upper, mid, and lower Red River delta and placed Tran-era Dai Viet in a strategic position to respond to greater macro-regional changes, not only on the agricultural and population but also the expansion of Islamic trade networks.

The world is undergoing unprecedented change as a result of global population increases, rapid urbanization, and the acceleration of affluence in developing countries, which leads to increased consumption of resources and impactful emissions.

We provide an introduction to the world economy. World population levels have risen drastically since 1800, in conjunction with (per capita) income levels. Economic leadership regularly shifts from one country to another. Rich countries are usually well connected in terms of international trade, contacts, investments, migration and capital flows. Historians have identified two big ‘waves’ of economic globalisation: at the end of the nineteenth century and after World War II. These episodes show decreases in international price gaps and increases in relative international trade- and capital flows. The ‘fragmentation’ process, in which different parts of goods are provided in different nations before they are combined in final goods, is a relatively new phenomenon. The most recent wave of globalisation is slowing down at the moment (slowbalisation), but it remains to be seen how much the backlash against globalisation will affect trade- and cross-border investment in the years to come.

Given China’s position in Pacific Asia, defining its regional centrality might seem a simple task. But centralities grander than merely geographical have been alleged and contested. Currently some maintain that China is the central kingdom because of its power. But it was conquered by the Mongols and the Manchus, and its present centrality is due more to its economic mass and connectivity than to its military. Others claim that hierarchy is natural to Asian culture, and China is the apex. But neighbors were often cynical about China’s moral stature, and China’s soft power is now at a low ebb. I argue that China was the center of regional attention in the premodern era, and that it has returned to center stage since 2008. The three basic reasons for China’s original centrality and its return were situational: presence, population, and production. The salience of all three disappeared with Western imperialism’s global presence, the devaluation of mere demography, and industrial production. Traditional and current centrality created asymmetric relationships between China and its neighbors, but the regional situations differ fundamentally.

The twenty-four accessible and thought-provoking essays in this volume present innovative new scholarship on Japan’s modern history, including its imperial past and transregional entanglements. Drawing on the latest Japanese and English-language scholarship, it highlights Japan’s distinctiveness as an extraordinarily fast-changing place. Indeed, Japan provides a ringside seat to all the big trends of modern history. Japan was the first non-Western society to become a modern nation and empire, to industrialize, to wage modern war on a vast scale, and to deliver a high standard of living to virtually all its citizens. Because the Japanese so determinedly acted to reshape global hierarchies, their modern history was incredibly destabilizing for the world. This intense dynamism has powered a variety of debates and conflicts, both at home and with people and places beyond Japan’s shores. Put simply, Japan has packed a lot of history into less than two centuries.

Volume 1 of The Cambridge History of Global Migrations documents the lives and experiences of everyday people through the lens of human movement and mobility from 1400 to 1800. Focusing on the most important typologies of preindustrial global migrations, this volume reveals how these movements transformed global paths of mobility, the impacts of which we still see in societies today. Case studies include those that arose from the demand for free, forced, and unfree labor, long- and short-distance trade, rural/urban displacement, religious mobility, and the rise of the number of refugees worldwide. With thirty chapters from leading experts in the field, this authoritative volume is an essential and detailed study of how migration shaped the nature of global human interactions before the age of modern globalization.