We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
To save content items to your account,
please confirm that you agree to abide by our usage policies.
If this is the first time you use this feature, you will be asked to authorise Cambridge Core to connect with your account.
Find out more about saving content to .
To save content items to your Kindle, first ensure no-reply@cambridge.org
is added to your Approved Personal Document E-mail List under your Personal Document Settings
on the Manage Your Content and Devices page of your Amazon account. Then enter the ‘name’ part
of your Kindle email address below.
Find out more about saving to your Kindle.
Note you can select to save to either the @free.kindle.com or @kindle.com variations.
‘@free.kindle.com’ emails are free but can only be saved to your device when it is connected to wi-fi.
‘@kindle.com’ emails can be delivered even when you are not connected to wi-fi, but note that service fees apply.
Tourism in Africa was entangled with colonialism from the start. However, after the Second World War it became an integral part of the colonising powers’ development agenda, albeit one that has received little scholarly attention so far. This presented African states with a serious dilemma when most of them gained independence during the 1960s. On the one hand, tourism promised to stimulate economic growth, provide much needed foreign currency, and create employment opportunities. On the other hand, international tourism had the potential to threaten the economic independence of post-colonial states and perpetuate colonial stereotypes, as well as international and local power imbalances and inequalities. The newly elected governments had to deal with this “colonial baggage.” This article focusses on the transition from colonial to post-colonial tourism in two East African countries, Kenya and Tanzania. I explore how the late colonial government pursued tourism as a development strategy for the region. I also demonstrate how Kenya and Tanzania approached tourism and its colonial legacies in different ways after independence. To trace their respective tourism histories, I draw on published reports and newspaper articles, historical research literature, in particular, from tourism scholars of various disciplines, as well as archival sources.
In 1967, Tanzania nationalized many foreign companies as part of the Arusha Declaration’s effort to create socialism and self-reliance. Among the most important were the dominant British banks that shaped investment and exported capital. Building on transcripts, private diaries, correspondence from Barclays Bank, as well as other sources, this chapter analyses how politically independent Tanzania endeavored to remake finance. Economic self-determination depended, in part, on the negotiations between Barclays and Tanzania over how much compensation government would pay for the 1967 expropriation. At stake was not merely a final price; instead, the struggle for economic sovereignty depended on the ability to determine the accounting protocols through which price would be calculated and even to define the bundle of different assets that would be subject to valuation. It was on these technicalities that postcolonial statecraft depended, meaning formulas and figures were imbued with political importance and ethical significance. Yet, ultimately, Tanzania found its authority to govern value was stymied by the enduring inequalities of the global capitalist order.
Decolonization in East Africa was more than a political event: it was a step towards economic self-determination. In this innovative book, historian and anthropologist Kevin Donovan analyses the contradictions of economic sovereignty and citizenship in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, placing money, credit, and smuggling at the center of the region's shifting fortunes. Using detailed archival and ethnographic research undertaken across the region, Donovan reframes twentieth century statecraft and argues that self-determination was, at most, partially fulfilled, with state monetary infrastructures doing as much to produce divisions and inequality as they did to produce nations. A range of dissident practices, including smuggling and counterfeiting, arose as people produced value on their own terms. Weaving together discussions of currency controls, bank nationalizations and coffee smuggling with wider conceptual interventions, Money, Value and the State traces the struggles between bankers, bureaucrats, farmers and smugglers that shaped East Africa's postcolonial political economy.
Human–wildlife conflict is a critical and complex challenge in wildlife conservation. It arises when humans and wildlife interact and one or both parties suffer negative consequences from the interaction. This research assessed the extent of damage resulting from human–African buffalo Syncerus caffer conflict and explored mitigation strategies. We used a semi-structured questionnaire-based survey of 131 households randomly selected in Kambi ya Simba, Oldeani and Tloma villages surrounding Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tanzania. Our results revealed that resource competition was the main factor inducing human–African buffalo conflict. The impacts reported most frequently were crop damage (especially during the wet seasons) and human casualties. Crops that were most often damaged included maize, beans, wheat, peas and coffee. To minimize buffalo crop depredation, farmers currently use traditional mitigation approaches such as guarding farms, lighting fires, using torchlight and vocal and other auditory deterrents. In addition, a local coffee estate installed electrified fencing around its plantation. Our findings demonstrate the impacts of human–African buffalo conflict on local communities and the importance of continuing human–African buffalo conflict monitoring to improve conservation action and increase the participation of the local community in conservation activities. To minimize human–African buffalo conflict, we recommend conservation strategies that improve the natural habitat of the African buffalo. Most importantly, providing communities affected by human–African buffalo conflict with modern and more effective mitigation methods, paired with increased community awareness of the use of these methods, could result in significant reductions in the human cost of human–African buffalo conflict.
To assess the potential contribution of large-scale food fortification (LSFF) towards meeting dietary micronutrient requirements in Tanzania.
Design:
We used household food consumption data from the National Panel Survey 2014–15 to estimate fortifiable food vehicle coverage and consumption (standardised using the adult female equivalent approach) and the prevalence at risk of inadequate apparent intake of five micronutrients included in Tanzania’s fortification legislation. We modelled four LSFF scenarios: no fortification, status quo (i.e. compliance with current fortification contents) and full fortification with and without maize flour fortification.
Setting:
Tanzania.
Participants:
A nationally representative sample of 3290 Tanzanian households.
Results:
The coverage of edible oils and maize and wheat flours (including products of wheat flour and oil such as bread and cakes) was high, with 91 percent, 88 percent and 53 percent of households consuming these commodities, respectively. We estimated that vitamin A-fortified oil could reduce the prevalence of inadequate apparent intake of vitamin A (retinol activity equivalent) from 92 percent without LSFF to 80 percent with LSFF at current fortification levels. Low industry LSFF compliance of flour fortification limits the contribution of other micronutrients, but a hypothetical full fortification scenario shows that LSFF of cereal flours could substantially reduce the prevalence at risk of inadequate intakes of iron, zinc, folate and vitamin B12.
Conclusions:
The current Tanzania LSFF programme likely contributes to reducing vitamin A inadequacy. Policies that support increased compliance could improve the supply of multiple nutrients, but the prominence of small-scale maize mills restricts this theoretical benefit.
Schistosomiasis is a neglected tropical disease with significant health implications, particularly among children. A cross-sectional study was conducted among school-aged children (SAC) in Mwanga district, Tanzania, a region known to be co-endemic for S. haematobium and S. mansoni infection and where annual mass drug administration (MDA) has been conducted for 20 years. In total, 576 SAC from 5 schools provided a urine sample for the detection of Schistosoma circulating anodic antigen using the upconverting particle-based lateral flow (UCP-LF CAA) test. Additionally, the potential of the point-of-care circulating cathodic antigen (POC-CCA) and microhaematuria dipstick test as field-applicable diagnostic alternatives for schistosomiasis were assessed and the prevalence outcome compared to UCP-LF CAA. Risk factors associated with schistosomiasis was assessed based on UCP-LF CAA. The UCP-LF CAA test revealed an overall schistosomiasis prevalence of 20.3%, compared to 65.3% based on a combination of POC-CCA and microhaematuria dipstick. No agreement was observed between the combined POC tests and UCP-LF CAA. Factors associated with schistosomiasis included age (5–10 years), involvement in fishing, farming, swimming activities and attending 2 of the 5 primary schools. Our findings suggest a significant progress in infection control in Mwanga district due to annual MDA, although not enough to interrupt transmission. Accurate diagnostics play a crucial role in monitoring intervention measures to effectively combat schistosomiasis.
Two globally threatened tree species, the Critically Endangered Cola porphyrantha (Malvaceae) and the Endangered Gigasiphon macrosiphon (Fabaceae) are narrowly distributed in Kenya and Tanzania. In Tanzania, both species were first located in an isolated, unprotected forest fragment in the East Usambara Mountains in the early 2000s. As no assessment of these subpopulations had been made since then, we surveyed the forest fragment as well as nearby unprotected forest fragments. In contrast to the early 2000s when only five and two mature trees of C. porphyrantha and G. macrosiphon, respectively, were located, we found 18 and five mature trees of these species. We did not find either species in intensive surveys of seven neighbouring unprotected forest fragments but we located a single G. macrosiphon beside a river close to one of the unprotected fragments. Gigasiphon macrosiphon was also previously known from two sites in Amani Nature Reserve in the East Usambara Mountains, but recent surveys, including our own, failed to relocate these subpopulations. Because of heavy anthropogenic disturbance in the one site where the two species still occur and their general absence from adjacent forest, we are working with the local community to protect the isolated fragment. Additionally, in situ planting of locally grown seedlings of both species is being supported by Amani Nature Reserve.
The year 2022 marked 30 years since Tanzania re-adopted multiparty democracy in 1992. The number of women parliamentarians has increased from 16 per cent after the multiparty elections in 1995 to 37.4 per cent after the 2020 elections. However, a significant share of women parliamentarians emanates from the special seats system, while only a small share of women hold directly elected seats. For example, in 2023, while women account for 37.4 per cent of the Parliament, only 9.8 per cent were elected from constituencies. This article studies the legal challenges facing women's access to directly elected parliamentary seats in light of 30 years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania. It finds that the legal gaps related to candidacy age, political affiliation, the applicable electoral system, governance of political parties, violence against women in political and public life, campaign financing and challenges related to the implementation of the special seats system hinder women's access to elected parliamentary seats.
Improved food availability and a growing economy in Tanzania may insufficiently decrease pre-existing nutritional deficiencies and simultaneously increase overweight within the same individual, household or population, causing a double burden of malnutrition (DBM). We investigated economic inequalities in DBM at the household level, expressed as a stunted child with a mother with overweight/obesity, and the moderating role of dietary diversity in these inequalities.
Design:
We used cross-sectional data from the 2015–2016 Tanzania Demographic and Health Survey.
Setting:
A nationally representative survey.
Participants:
Totally, 2867 children (aged 6–23 months) and their mothers (aged 15–49 years). The mother–child pairs were categorised into two groups based on dietary diversity score: achieving and not achieving minimum dietary diversity.
Results:
The prevalence of DBM was 5·6 % (sd = 0·6) and significantly varied by region (ranging from 0·6 % to 12·2 %). Significant interaction was observed between dietary diversity and household wealth index (Pfor interaction < 0·001). The prevalence of DBM monotonically increased with greater household wealth among mother–child pairs who did not achieve minimum dietary diversity (Pfor trend < 0·001; however, this association was attenuated in those who achieved minimum dietary diversity (Pfor trend = 0·16), particularly for the richest households (P = 0·44). Analysing household wealth index score as a continuous variable yielded similar results (OR (95 % CI): 2·10 (1·36, 3·25) for non-achievers of minimum dietary diversity, 1·38 (0·76, 2·54) for achievers).
Conclusions:
Greater household wealth was associated with higher odds of DBM in Tanzania; however, the negative impact of household economic status on DBM was mitigated by minimum dietary diversity.
This chapter considers the structure of territorial cleavage from a national perspective. It focuses on patterns of polarization between regional electoral blocs, or “territorial oppositions,” in national politics. Axes of territorial cleavage arising between predominantly rural regions tend to take canonical forms associated with core–periphery politics in countries that are undergoing national economic integration and the growth of the central state. Stable axes of sectional competition, whereby leading regions square off against each other or against those on the periphery, are visible in the electoral data and in persistent policy cleavages in countries in this study. In broad outlines, these conform to models of territorial opposition in national politics advanced by earlier scholars (Lipset & Rokkan 1967; Gourevitch 1979; Bayart 2013). The analysis is built around four countries – Kenya, Zambia, Malawi, and Uganda – that serve as archetypes of different patterns of territorial opposition and core–periphery politics. Tanzania is a shadow case.
Livestock abortion is a source of economic loss for farmers, but its economic impact has not been estimated in many Low and Middle-Income Countries. This article presents an estimation methodology and estimates for the gross and net cost of an abortion based on a sample of livestock-owning households in three regions of northern Tanzania and market data. We then generate aggregate estimates of abortion losses across Tanzania. We estimate annual gross and net annual losses of about $263 Million (about TZS 600 billion) and $131 million (about TZS 300 billion), respectively.
A striking feature of African politics is the variation that exists among countries, as evident notably in their readiness to embrace democratic norms and values. The lack of a democratic role model in the region is an indication that political leaders generally pursue other governance priorities. They are not just at the receiving end of a process of regime formation driven by the international donor community. They are themselves in the middle of shaping it. The fact that the leaders differ in their approach to governance is an acknowledgement that they consider local conditions. In the post-colonial context, their ambition is to anchor the regime in local soil, reflecting values that circulate in society and are part of the ongoing political discourse. This amounts, for example, to reinventing pre-colonial values in modern contexts, as Julius Nyerere’s ujamaa version of communalism illustrates. This chapter recounts the political experience of four countries in East Africa which are neighbours with a similar colonial experience and a common legacy of generous foreign aid from Western governments. Despite these significant commonalities, the countries have developed quite differently since independence. They are building the post-colonial state-nation in ways that reflect the respective political reality that they inherited from the colonial powers. This closer analysis of the four countries confirms the evolution of variable patterns of governance based on how they approach the issues of managing the state-nation. Each country has chosen its own development path and built a political system around the local challenges of transcending the structural limits inherent in their pre-agrarian society. The result is that governments tend to look inwards in their approach to what needs to be done, and in some cases engage in a Marxian critique of Western development ideas.
The Plio-Pleistocene deposits of the Olduvai Basin in northern Tanzania consist of a sequence of lacustrine and fluvial sediments. They contain various amounts of zeolite minerals, the formation of which is related to an interaction of volcanic material or detrital clays with saline alkaline lake water and groundwater. Petrographic characteristics of zeolite occurrences provide information about their conditions of formation. They were studied for all four main stratigraphical units that are recognized at Olduvai (Beds I to IV), sampled in the southeastern part of the basin. In the lake-margin deposits of Bed I and the lower part of Bed II, chabazite is the dominant zeolite mineral accompanied by phillipsite and minor amounts of erionite and clinoptilolite. Chabazite commonly occurs as part of altered volcanic rock fragments, characterized by partial or complete dissolution of volcanic glass and the formation of chabazite inside vesicles, following the development of thin smectite coatings. It also formed within the sediment matrix, requiring extended periods of impregnation of the deposits by saline alkaline solutions. Chabazite also occurs extensively as coatings and infillings of pores, developed during periods of subaerial exposure which were characterized by high groundwater levels. Phillipsite formed at a later stage, from more evolved solutions, with higher K/Na ratios than during chabazite formation. The fluvial deposits of Bed IV, Bed III and the upper part of Bed II have a high analcime content. They also contain various amounts of chabazite, phillipsite and natrolite. All zeolite minerals mainly occur in pores. The predominance of analcime indicates a higher salinity and alkalinity than during the preceding period with sedimentation and diagenesis in a lake margin environment. Early development of zeolite occurrences, shortly after the deposits became exposed during breaks in sedimentation, is recorded for some intervals, where zeolites are covered by illuvial clay coatings or by sparitic carbonate cement. In most intervals, however, zeolites mainly formed at a later stage.
Ideological rationalities and urban planning practices are inextricably linked, and urban planning practices draw insight from theoretical propositions. Through a review of relevant literature and documents, the chapter traces ideological changes and their influences on urban planning practices in colonial to post-colonial Tanzania. Colonial urban planning was based on modernist ideological rationalities drawing from layout planning, land use zoning and master planning. Post-colonial planning practices underwent changes in ideological rationalities from master planning to strategic planning. Master planning as modernist planning has always been an expert-led process based on means–ends and dualistic ideas. Strategic planning as post-modernist planning has been based on relations and pluralistic ideas. Non-implementation of master plans and strategic plans have rendered layout plans as the main spatial planning and decision-making tool. Contemporary planning realities are influenced by a multitude of challenges resulting in the emergence of piecemeal planning leading to uncoordinated urban forms, particularly in small towns.
The cheetah Acinonyx jubatus has suffered considerable range contractions in recent decades. Despite the importance of up-to-date information on distribution to guide conservation, such information is lacking for large areas within the species’ remaining potential range. In Tanzania, the largest tract of potential cheetah habitat without such data is the Selous–Nyerere ecosystem. Although the cheetah is considered possibly extant in this landscape, the last confirmed sighting was in the late 1990s. During 2020–2022, we carried out sign-based (spoor) and camera-trap surveys across Selous Game Reserve and Nyerere National Park. We did not record any evidence of cheetah presence, and opportunistic enquiries with tourism operators and protected area management staff did not provide any evidence of current or recent presence. Our findings suggest that current cheetah presence is unlikely, and that Selous–Nyerere should not be treated as potential contemporary cheetah range. We discuss the possibility that Selous–Nyerere may have never hosted a resident cheetah population, and was either occasionally occupied by dispersers from other populations or represented the edge of populations that spanned areas now treated as corridors.
Studies of protest in contemporary Africa often fail to address three related dynamics. First, rural radicalism has long been more central to African political struggles, even urban ones, than is commonly recognized. Second, the ongoing transformation of rural political economies links them to those of urban areas and has changed struggles over land and resources. Finally, these changes have reduced the power of traditional authorities and increased the appeal of nonviolent protest, as well as shifting protest toward a more national mode in which rural populations are increasingly central. Mampilly elaborates on these propositions, which are derived from brief examinations of both historical and contemporary examples of rural protest across Africa, before applying them to a deep analysis of LUCHA, a social movement in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
The comparative analysis of three “contested truths” around COVID-19 in East Africa demonstrates that knowledge is a product of knotted, uneven, and disputed epistemological practices tied to structures of power. Lee, Meek, and Katumusiime examine: (1) the construction of a pan-African skepticism of COVID-19 that drew on anti-imperialist discourses; (2) social media posts through which Tanzanian digital publics critically evaluated steam inhalation as an alternative therapeutic for COVID-19; and (3) the resistance by many Ugandans to complying with public health measures such as lockdowns. “Contested truths” is used as an analytical framework to center the specificity and situatedness of truth-making in East Africa during the COVID-19 pandemic.
It is widely accepted that countries' institutions play a major role in their economic development. Yet, the way they affect, and are affected by, development, and how to reform them are still poorly understood. In this companion volume, State and Business in Tanzania diagnoses the main weaknesses, root causes, and developmental consequences of Tanzania's institutions, and shows that the uncertainty surrounding its development paths and its difficulty in truly 'taking off' are related to institutional challenges. Based on a thorough account of the economic, social, and political development of the country, this diagnostic offers evidence on the quality of its institutions and a detailed analysis of critical institution- and development-sensitive areas among which state-business relations rank high, even though the institutional features of land management, civil service and the power sector are shown to be also of prime importance. This title is also available as Open Access.
This chapter summarises the institutional diagnostic studies on Bangladesh and Tanzania. Each summary starts with a short account of the recent political history of the country, its economics performances and challenges, and the perceived quality of institutions. It then lists the diagnosed institutional weaknesses and discusses their likely causes and the potential for reforms given the political economy context. The dominant theme in the case of Bangladesh is the sustainability of the development strategy based on Ready-Made Garment exports. Although impressive up to now, development is likely to slow down if exports do not diversify within the RMG sector and without. Among others, a key institutional challenge is how to incentivise such a diversification and overcome the monopolising of public support by the RMG sector. Industrialisation and export diversification is also an issue in Tanzania, whose recent growth seems more demand-driven, thanks to a favourable international context, than supply-driven. There too, a critical institutional challenge is the design and implementation of a meaningful industrial policy, and the effective regulation of the private sector.