The World Psychiatry Exchange Program offers opportunities overseas for early career psychiatrists (ECPs), fostering immersion in clinical and cultural contexts. In this article, we present the experiences of two Tunisian ECPs in India. Activities included observing interviews, and attending courses and webinars. Challenges and opportunities in perinatal psychiatry and in child psychiatry were observed, emphasising cross-cultural nuances. Language barriers were overcome through translation. Notably, collaboration and proximity between departments countered mental illness stigma among medical professionals. This exchange underscores the importance of cultural awareness, collaboration and contextual adaptation in psychiatry. Lessons from this cross-cultural experience offer insights for enhanced care and research in diverse settings. This exchange also allowed for a rich scientific and cultural experience and brought to light many commonalities between India and Tunisia.

Election violence is increasingly taking place online. However, we still do not know much about how such attacks affect the representation of politically marginalized groups such as women. This article develops and applies strategies for analyzing (gendered) exposure to and impacts of online attacks against political candidates. It focuses on the 2019 parliamentary election campaign in Tunisia and combines manual analysis of Tunisian candidates’ public Facebook pages with candidate interviews. We find no gendered patterns in exposure to online election violence in the Facebook data and a low general exposure to attacks. The interview data nevertheless suggests gendered perceptions and impacts of attacks, as well as a perception among the candidates that online election violence is widespread and problematic. These discrepancies highlight that we need a combination of methods and materials to capture the multifaceted nature of online election violence, and in particular those that directly link candidate exposure to impact.

The human right to leave any country protects an intrinsic interest in free movement and is also a vital pre-condition to seeking asylum. The right to leave attracts little academic interest, but it is quietly being eroded. Exit restrictions in States of origin or transit have become an instrument of extraterritorial migration control for European Union Member States seeking to prevent the arrival of unwanted migrants. This article first explores the revival of exit restrictions, focusing on agreements between European destination States and select African States of departure. It argues that the adoption of exit restrictions from one State to prevent entry to another creates the paradox of seamless borders, where regulation of exit and entry are harmonized and fused to serve the singular objective of preventing entry to the destination State. The article further argues that the political and discursive coupling of anti-smuggling and search-and-rescue regimes occlude the rights-violating character of exit restrictions and enables breach of the right to leave to hide in plain sight. Additionally, current approaches to jurisdiction and State responsibility in regional and international courts render the prospect of destination State liability uncertain in circumstances where the destination State does not exercise legal and physical control over enforcement. The article draws on ‘crimmigration’ and border criminology literature to identify the common element of carcerality that connects confinement of migrants to the territory of departure States with migrant detention inside the territory. Beyond lamenting the erosion of exit rights, the article concludes by querying whether the erosion of the right to leave is symptomatic of a larger trend toward the regulation of mobility itself.

This study aimed to determine if maternal fatty acids (FA) levels during pregnancy are associated with the occurrence of neural tube defects (NTDs) and to explore the correlation between FA and maternal vitamin D, homocysteine, vitamin B12, and folate in cases. Plasma FA composition was assessed using capillary gas chromatography. Comparisons between cases and controls were performed by independent samples t-test for continuous variables. Cases had significantly higher levels of heptadecanoic acid, linolelaidic acid, and arachidonic acid (ARA):(eicosapentaenoic acid+docosahexaenoic acid) ratio than controls (p < 0.05). Nervonic acid, ARA, adrenic acid, eicosapentaenoic acid, docosahexaenoic acid, and omega-3 polyunsaturated fatty acids (n-3 PUFA) levels were significantly lower in cases (p < 0.05). Maternal 25-hydroxyvitamin D (25(OH)D) levels were positively correlated with maternal polyunsaturated fatty acids and omega-6 polyunsaturated fatty acids. RBC folate levels were negatively correlated with n-3 PUFA.

Further research is required to clarify the association of FA metabolism with NTDs.

Tunisia's Islamist movement Ennahda has announced a separation of political and religious work, apparently reinforcing a “post-Islamist” argument that Islamic parties have left behind religious mobilization. However, the boundary between religious and political fields is highly porous. We ask why the distinction between religious and political activism remains a point of ambiguity within Islamism. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with 48 men and women who participated in the movement in the 1970s and 1980s in Tunis and Sousse, we develop a microlevel explanation of Islamist mobilization. We argue that religious and social Islamist activism is replete with political intent, which worked through three mechanisms: a counter-hegemonic ideology, an activist engagement in social transformation, and a formal organization. These findings add empirical insights to the case of Ennahda, provide leverage in explaining the politicization of Salafist movements, and underscore the legacy of asymmetric party capacities in shaping outcomes in a democratic transition.

This article explores the turn to human rights of Tunisian Maoist activists in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Many of these Tunisians later became human rights activists. I argue against prevailing views that ideological changes toward human rights in the late 1970s were the result of paradigmatic ideological shifts or the demise of socialist, anti-imperialist thinking, or an outcome of international human rights norm diffusion. Doubt or loss of faith in some or all parts of Marxism-Leninism led to a diversity of ideological transformations that were complex and hybrid. Drawing on interviews with former Tunisian Maoists, as well as on their writings, the article outlines the political and ideological environment in which they operated. It describes their solidarity work for political prisoners and explores their encounter with Amnesty International as well as the Tunisian League for Human Rights in its first years of existence, showcasing how multiple approaches to human rights existed among the activists.

This article summarises the research, protection, enhancement and awareness-raising activities carried out on coastal and submerged archaeological sites and wrecks discovered on the northern and Cap Bon coasts in Tunisia. The objective of these activities is to better understand and protect the underwater cultural heritage, while ensuring its preservation for future generations. The article also highlights the policy put in place by the supervisory institution to ensure an integrated and sustainable management of this heritage, despite the challenges it faces, in accordance with the principles of the 2001 UNESCO Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage, ratified by Tunisia in 2009. Furthermore, the article stresses the importance of coordinating the conservation of this heritage with local development, while promoting responsible tourism practices, as part of Tunisia's active search to enhance its tourism and cultural potential – as a source of sustainable development in the coastal and maritime areas concerned.

The paper focuses on the Italian-speaking anarchists of the end of the nineteenth century and their involvement and legacy in trade union movements and strikes in Tunis during the first decade of the twentieth century. A perspective privileging the internationalist and trade-unionist activities, and their impact on that specific colonial context, avoids the dangers of a rigid ethnoscape and methodological nationalism. Even though most of the actors of this story were considered by the states as Italian nationals, their conflictual (at least for the anarchists) nationality helps us to understand the complexity of the national-cultural belonging of subversive migrants in the Imperial Mediterranean. The ideological struggle on the subversive legacy of Giuseppe Garibaldi at the end of the nineteenth century and the conflictual relations of the trade unions with consular authorities at the beginning of the twentieth century showed an Italian-speaking internationalism in the Southern Mediterranean shore, tightly connected with the European and the American areas. Based on understudied diplomatic, colonial, and police records, this research aims at analyzing the attempts of an international working-class movement in a hierarchical colonial situation also through Italian, French, and Tunisian sources.