The main purpose of this chapter is to study gender inequality within the inventive activities in three emerging countries – Brazil, India, and Mexico – using the framework of knowledge economics. It aims to determine which factors that influence a growing propensity of women to be inventors help reduce gender inequality in knowledge economies. In addition, the chapter contributes policy proposals that aim at increasing female participation in inventive activities. The key questions for this research are as follows: What are the characteristics and dynamics of female inventive activities in emerging countries with different economic development paths? What factors influence women’s propensity to invent? Based on the results of the econometric model proposed in this chapter, the inventive variables, such as the stock of prior knowledge, the size of inventor teams, the type of patent holder, technological field, and the presence of foreign researchers – positively influence women’s propensity to become inventors in a differentiated manner in each country. These findings validate how some variables could influence the inclusion of a greater number of women in research teams and the deployment of their potential inventive activities. The chapter proposes policies aimed at reducing gender inequality in the knowledge economy.

Chinese nationals working, studying, and living overseas have always been an important issue for Chinese policy-makers, who have adopted a variety of policies to protect, support, attract back, and monitor them. This first section of this chapter provides an overview of the presence of Chinese nationals overseas, where they are mostly located, and the factors that shape their presence. It then analyzes the main regulatory and diplomatic efforts made by the Chinese state to protect them. The policies adopted by the Chinese government to support and manage the Chinese diaspora, as well as lure back those highly educated nationals who are seen as an important source of innovation for the Chinese economy are discussed in the second half of the chapter. This discussion is followed by an analysis of the evolution of China’s military activities aimed at protecting Chinese citizens overseas. Overall, it emerges that the Chinese state has invested significant bureaucratic and diplomatic resources in these activities, preferring to keep a low profile in military terms.

The chapter examines how the size and diversity of the migrant population shaped economic outcomes in western Poland using statistical analysis. It shows that when state institutions were extractive, the composition of the migrant population played no role in shaping economic performance. Once institutions became more inclusive, however, municipalities settled by more regionally diverse populations registered higher incomes and entrepreneurship rates. The chapter then rules out a series of alternative explanations for these findings.

This chapter introduces cases motivating the book and presents a three-step argument about the effects of forced migration on societal cooperation, state capacity, and economic development. It reviews evidence from post-WWII displacement in Poland and West Germany, discusses the applicability of the findings to other cases, and highlights the main contributions of the book.

This chapter addresses the myth that rural regions are unsustainable due to challenges with economies of scale and the perception that rural life must be “subsidized.” While urban life is commonly viewed as dynamic and efficient, rural life is often considered a waste of resources. These views cause skepticism about investing in, and supporting, rural life more robustly. There are several problems with the myth of rural unsustainability. First, it neglects urban–rural interdependence and the fact that cities are subsidized by rural provision of food, energy, fibers, and other natural and processed resources. Second, the myth discounts the decades-long tradition of utilities and common carrier regulation in the United States. Economic regulation, which was more substantial prior to the deregulatory era since the 1980s, was designed to help facilitate geographic convergence, guard against concentration of resources in mega-cities, create a cohesive national economy, and make the distribution of resources and opportunities across landscapes more equitable. The chapter interrogates the concept of economies of scale, explores overlooked urban dependency, and reviews legal history and legislative debates surrounding transportation and telecommunications regulation, such as through the Interstate Commerce Commission, to make the case that rural communities should and can be sustained, and are thus “sustainable.”

As English state capacity grew and the crown faced growing financial constraints at home, colonies became tempting targets. This chapter explores the crown’s attempts to unwind the institutions of contractual imperialism and assert unilateral, direct control over colonies. However, when the crown made these attempts, colonial institutions had taken deep root over decades. The chapter explains why the crown was unable to force its vision of government on the colonies autocratically, and instead pivoted to a negotiated model of governance: Regulatory imperialism.

Why some groups outperform others in academic and professional achievements? Why some countries’ economies grow faster than others? Why are the fastest-growing economies located in East Asia? What role does Confucian heritage play in helping countries in this region to outperform others economically? How do culture, institutions, and policy interact to influence each other?

Two propositions motivate this book. First, a country’s culture influences its economic performance and, second, its economic performance determines its position in the international pecking order. Economic vitality is imperative for sustaining a country’s leading position in world political economy. This vitality depends critically on its mass culture which is not static but rather evolves in response to changing socioeconomic environment.

This chapter introduces comparative lawyers to the field known as law and development, which in turn examines the uses of law for developmental objectives. The chapter attempts to relate the two fields and indicate the relevance of each to the other. In the course of doing this we also introduce a general theory of law and development that can be used as a bridge between the two. We submit that law and development is itself developing in ways that involve new ideas and the processing of varied experiences; these in themselves are preoccupations of comparative law too.

South Korea has become the only country to make the transition from a developing to a developed country after the Second World War; however, its development process has been a tortuous one. This book first explains how Korea failed earlier in history to become a colony and how its economy changed during the colonial period. The book then describes the provision of the conditions for future growth in 1945–1960 and explains the launching of the high economic growth in the 1960s. The book next discusses the development process after the high economic growth began until the 1997 crisis, examining the three conditions for sustaining growth: macroeconomic management, structural transformation, and social conflict management. After discussing the 1997 crisis and the ensuing reform, the book explains how economic development proceeded subsequently until today, again by examining those three conditions for sustaining growth. Finally, it briefly discusses questions for the future.