In April 2018, Starbucks closed all of its branches in the US and required some 175,000 employees to participate in a four-hour training session on implicit bias. Although this was undoubtedly well-meaning, the devoting of substantial resources to such an effort seems wisest if empirical evidence indicates that such training is effective. But in fact, the majority of evaluations of attempts to change implicit bias have shown no lasting effects (Forscher et al., 2019).

We show that a non-toric $\mathbb{Q}$-factorial terminal Fano threefold of Picard rank 1 and Fano index 13 is a weighted hypersurface of degree 12 in $\mathbb{P}(3,4,5,6,7)$.

• ◦ This case study of generic drug markets illustrates the importance of interpersonal relationships in forming a cartel.

• ◦ Price fixing began in 2013 when Teva Pharmaceuticals, the world’s leading generic drugmaker, hired Nisha Patel to be the Director of Strategic Customer Marketing. Ms. Patel was tasked with “price increase implementation” and her approach to raising prices was to form an unlawful agreement with competitors to raise prices. She was well placed to engage in this activity as she had close ties to key salespeople at the major generic drugmakers due to having served as Director of Global Generic Sourcing for one of the largest US drug distributors.

• ◦ Cartels formed in about 90 percent of markets where she had close ties to all market participants, but only about 20 percent of markets where she lacked such relationships.

• ◦ The effects of collusive behavior persisted long after the cartel’s discovery. Though the conspirators discontinued direct communications after learning about the investigation, the evidence is that collusive prices persisted for many years afterwards.

• ◦ Collusion did induce some entry but its impact proved limited in these regulated markets. Many cartelized markets did not attract any entry, and the markets with entry saw a delay of two to four years before production started.

I remain hopeful as scholars like Mukul Sharma add a critical perspective to environmental scholarship, specifically race, ethnicity, and class. His analysis of Dalits, untouchables, the lowest caste in India is traced throughout Dalit Ecologies: Caste and Environmental Justice. Sharma is part of growing and critical international scholarship and literature that focuses on marginalized persons of colour and the environment. The value of Sharma's work rests on secondary sources and primary sources with the primacy of voices of people who are both depressed and creative. Dalits tell their own stories and create ecologies. The oppressors are just that – oppressors – and not central to the narrative.

Sharma's intriguing book takes me back to my days as a PhD student in history in the 1990s. During that time, I was excited and afraid, quickly learning there was very little diversity in environmental history. With my dissertation proposal, I did the opposite of what dissertation advisors advise: write your dissertation based on an established area and just get it done. Willfully, I ignored the advice and plunged into the unknown of nascent African American environmental history. I did not know if archival sources, critical to writing such a history, would be fruitful. Little or racist mention of African Americans and the environment stood between my research and completion of my dissertation.

In the 1980s and 1990s, many white scholars marginalized and objectified Native Americans and African Americans. Some environmental historians focused on the tensions and comparisons between Native Americans and white voices. Still the narratives of whites and their voices remained at the fore, essentially ecological imperialism, what was done by whites to Native Americans, including spreading disease from Europe to the Americas and Caribbean. Agricultural history seemed a logical path, particularly the scholarship of the American South. Yet African Americans were objects and not the voices from primary sources. Theirs were supporting and cameo roles in relationship to whites and agricultural equipment.

Early in my academic career, I often found myself alone and in environmental history circles the subject matter of African American environmental history was objectified, rejected, or sidelined.

In order to lay out the context for the book, the environmental context is explored in Chapter 2. The sheer diversity of a civilization covering two rainfall systems, several river plains and multiple eco-zones is described and the mechanisms of climate change, the 4.2 k, are noted.

Menopause is a time of transition for women. It occurs when the ovarian follicles are depleted, therefore women who bear children tend to have later menopause due to the ovulation-sparing months of pregnancy. This transition occurs gradually over several years and is a normal aging process. It marks the end of the reproductive years and usually occurs during the late 40s or early 50s. The median age at menopause is 51 years and is influenced by various factors including but not limited to genetic and environmental factors such as family history and socioeconomic status, tobacco use, parity, and oral contraception use [1, 2].

In the last two decades, neuroscience studies have suggested that various psychological phenomena are produced by predictive processes in the brain. When considered together, these studies form a coherent, neurobiologically inspired program for guiding psychological research on a variety of topics, including implicit attitudes and their relation to behaviors.

The chapter examines the development of agriculture and rural society, the crisis of agriculture in the late nineteenth century, and the political mobilization of German farmers.

The explosion of attention to measuring and understanding implicit bias has been influential inside and outside the academy. The purpose of this chapter is to balance the conversation about how to unpack and understand implicit bias, with an exploration of what we know about Whites’ explicit bias, and how surveys and other data can be used to measure it. This chapter begins with a review of survey-based data on White racial attitudes that reveal complex trends and patterns, with some topics showing changes for the better, but others showing persistent negative or stagnant trends. Drawing on examples using a variety of methodological tools, including (1) traditional survey questions; (2) survey-based mode/question wording experiments; (3) open-ended questions embedded in surveys; and (4) in-depth interviews, I illustrate what explicit racial biases can look like, and how they might be consequential. I argue that a full understanding of intergroup relations requires sophisticated methods and theories surrounding both explicit and implicit biases, how they function separately and in combination, and their causes and consequences.