We begin this chapter by outlining what constitutes a humiliating foreign policy. We then linger on a key feature in the phenomenology of political humiliation, namely the sense of being replaced. This sense manifests in a perception of being removed from importance and consequence – usually by someone not viewed as a worthy competitor. After describing the phenomenology of replacement, we point out that it is particularly important to understand this sentiment because it straddles personal and political psychology, and because a focus on the sense of replacement helps us distinguish normative and descriptive aspects of political humiliation. After discussing the phenomenology of replacement, we highlight the difference between democratic and autocratic rulers in their susceptibility to humiliation. We conclude the chapter with a discussion of the dual role of humiliation as both driver and method of war.

Neuroimaging plays an important role in workup of pregnant patients with seizures. Seizures in pregnant and postpartum women may be due to pre-existing epilepsy, the initial manifestation of a primary central nervous system–related problem, or a neurologic problem unique to pregnancy and the postpartum period. Multidisciplinary decision making is required when selecting the most suitable neuroimaging technique and the specific protocol. The different clinical scenarios in a pregnant patient with seizures are reviewed and suitable MR protocols are discussed for each clinical context. Safety considerations for CT and MR as well as iodinated and gadolinium-based contrasts are summarized, together with the most recent recommendations.

HB2281 (2010) was a state law meant to eliminate the TUSD MAS program. This is not conjecture but rather a direct statement from the law’s chief architect, former state superintendent of public instruction Tom Horne. This brief chapter provides a broad overview of the history and key figures in this protracted, painful, community-oriented drama of resistance, while also considering the difficulties of telling this story honestly. It draws a direct line between the current banning of Critical Race Theory nationally and this piece of Arizona legislation.

The German Empire was born in the aftermath of one war and died at the conclusion of another. Even within its own chronological confines of 1871 and 1918, Imperial Germany’s history poses narrative challenges. The principal issue has to do with the second of these wars, which brought the German Empire to an end. This conflict weighed more heavily than the short war that began the story in 1870. The earlier war made possible the unification of the nation-state and served as a symbol of its military splendor, but otherwise, at least to judge from economic historians, it had a limited or ambivalent material impact on what followed. The Great War of 1914–18, by contrast, gave rise to the term “total war.” It left no phase of life in the German Empire unaffected. It let loose pressures so comprehensive that they challenged even the narrative coherence of German history during the imperial era itself.

At the United Nations Conference on Climate Change at Copenhagen in 2009 (COP 15), Narsamma Masanagari, Manjula Tammali, and Sammamma Begari – Dalit women from Medak district of Andhra Pradesh – burnt their accreditation badges in protest against the lack of recognition of caste and Dalits in climate discussions. Coming from Medak district, where extreme heat and erratic rainfall impacts the everyday village life, Sammamma, a small farmer of Bidakanne village, explained: ‘Climate change does make it more difficult. If there is drought or unseasonal rainfall, the first thing that suffers is crop cultivation. If there are no crops, it is difficult for us.’ Narsamma, farmer and activist of Pastapur village, claimed that ‘upper-caste farmers use machines to plough their land, heightening the climate crisis with fertilizer and other things. Our impact on the climate is much smaller. Larger farmers grow money, we grow food’. Standing outside the Conference Centre, Dalit women demanded ‘to bring in the voices of the small and the excluded. If you really want to understand climate change, then come and talk to people like us’. During COP, they also spoke about untouchability and occupational hierarchy still being practised in the villages, and how a group, Deccan Development Society, was trying to organize Dalit women farmers’ collectives by pooling financial and human resources, sowing local rice varieties and diversifying crops in small farms, to mitigate the impact of volatile weather and increasing water scarcity. On another occasion, ‘Dalits Dignity March’ in Delhi, organized every year on 5 December by the National Confederation of Dalit Organisations (NACDOR), a network of grassroot Dalit groups, displayed prominently the banner of ‘Dalit Climate Justice’. Ashok Bharti, the chairman of the organization, submitted a memorandum to the prime minister, asking the Indian government not to compromise the interests of Dalits in the country's commitment to cut carbon emissions, and suggested fair share and special care for the community in climate change mitigation policies and budget allocation. Of late, a few Dalit and anti-caste writers have begun articulating their views on climate change. They have critiqued the trend to overlook the ‘correlation between climate change and social exclusion’, the ‘hidden casteism of climate change reporting’, and have explored ‘a broader framework to situate caste in the climate change/climate justice discourse’.

Chapter 6 traces the last years of Britain’s communal currency. From the chapter’s examination of the resumption debate, it emerges that the decision on resumption stemmed from loss of faith in inconvertible currency and the fractured state of British society, rather than from unanimous support for the theory or policy of the gold standard. This chapter reveals that the supporters of resumption were a mixed group of people, including those with metallist and non-metallist views alike. The anti-resumption campaign lacked coherence, but ultimately it was the fractured state of British society that made inconvertible currency unsustainable: Britain’s note users no longer saw themselves as a single community of money users but as competing groups with different economic interests. The rest of the chapter illustrates the process by which the remnants of communal currency were gradually chipped away in the following twelve years, which were punctuated by major events such as the financial crisis of 1825 and the political run on the Bank of England in 1832. This chapter closes in 1833, when the fate of currency voluntarism was finally sealed as the Bank note became legal tender.