Another publication of the uncorrected, transposed, and incomplete design layout of an important Teotihuacan-style pottery vessel from the Maya Lowlands has prompted this publication of the corrected and complete version.

Sahagún's General History of the Things of New Spain, a Nahuatl text completed in 1555, contains an ethnographic description of cire perdue gold casting. Aboriginal copper casting was not described. However, it is believed that his gold-casting description also constitutes a basically valid description of copper casting. To test this, experiments were undertaken to cast copper bells following Sahagún's description of gold casting and using native materials whenever possible. From the resultant successful casting of several copper bells it is inferred that the above belief is valid.

Models of site structure, though common in the ethnoarchaeological literature, are rarely used in the interpretation of the archaeological record. In this study, Portnoy's (1981) model of settlement space and function provides an interpretive framework for inferences on the organization and use of space at the Bridges site, a late prehistoric settlement in south-central Illinois. Unlike its predecessors, this model focuses on the daily activities and interactions of the resident community and identifies a communal front region, a family front region, a family back region, and a communal back region. From this model, it is possible to derive the material consequences of the activities performed in each of the activity regions. Given the proper excavation strategy, it is then possible to define the site framework from the arrangement of structures and features and to infer the nature of the activities from the distribution of debris. As identified at the Bridges site, the nature and organization of the activity regions suggest the presence of an integrated settlement with communal work spaces. This interpretation of the site has important implications for our understanding of late prehistoric chronologies and settlement plans.

Recent years have seen increasing archaeological research in South America, but little of it has been undertaken in the tropical forest regions. In an attempt to fill a portion of this gap we spent the period from July, 1948 to July, 1949 in archaeological survey and excavations on the Islands of Marajó, Mexiana, and Caviana in the mouth of the Amazon and in the Territory of Amapá, (Brazilian Guiana). At the close of the field work the material was analysed, classified, and described in Brazil, and compared with collections from the region not available in American museums. It is upon these preliminary studies and comparative analyses that the following discussion is based; and although the basic classifications and ceramic typologies will not be changed, some alterations in over-all conclusions may be made as the final report nears completion.

Interpreting ritual activity at ancient sites, such as Sun Watch Village in the Middle Ohio Valley, can be difficult without clear and specific historical connections to later groups. This Fort Ancient site yielded evidence of ritual use of dogs and wolves that resemble those documented for several Central Algonquian and Siouan/Plains tribes. Although these ethnographic groups have not been conclusively linked as direct descendants of Middle Ohio valley populations, this information can be used as multiple specific analogies for understanding such “culturally unaffiliated” cases. At Sun Watch Village, local customs of dog and wolf ritualism became established at a time of increasing warfare and the appearance of Mississippians in the Fort Ancient region. Mississippians may have contributed to developing authority positions in individual villages that were coping with local population growth and in-migration of peoples within an increasingly hostile social landscape.

Larson's (1972) hypothesis that warfare during the Mississippian period in the Southeast was primarily a struggle over the fertile silt and sandy loam bottomland soils is summarized. This is then contrasted with Gibson's (1974) thesis that, at least in the Lower Mississippi Valley, warfare was caused by the "asymmetrical" nature of the kinship systems found there. Such systems led to status decline over several generations and forced individuals to attempt to offset the decline by achieving success in warfare. The Larson-Gibson dispute is essentially an ontological argument which pits the materialist's view of reality against that of the idealist. This dispute is compared to a similar one between Harris (1971, 1974, 1977, 1979) and Lizot (1977) concerning the explanation of Yamomamo warfare in South America. Following this, the basic material conditions of Mississippian warfare are suggested. The importance of mechanisms such as Gibson has proposed for understanding Mississippian warfare at the "tactical" level is recognized. Finally, primacy is given to Larson"s materialism at the "strategic" level.

The amount of pressure exerted per unit area is critical in microwear formation. Previous researchers have incorrectly assumed that amount of pressure per unit area can be controlled by controlling the amount of external pressure [i.e., load] applied during implement usage. Research has shown that even when the external force is constant, the fracture threshold varies depending on the amount of implement edge is contact with a worked item. Since edge contact varies considerably between functionally distinct classes of artifacts, a large amount of “noise” may have been inadvertently introduced into previous experimental results. This poses a significant problem, which must be addressed by future researchers.

The original authors of Billman et al. (2000) are joined by three other analysts from the Cowboy Wash research team to respond to the critique of this article by Dongoske et al. (2000). Dongoske and his coauthors state that Billman et al. (2000) failed to test alternative hypotheses or to consider alternative explanations for the findings at 5MT10010 and similar sites. The original authors point out that alternative hypotheses were examined and rejected, leaving a violent episode of cannibalism as the most plausible explanation for the remains found at 5MT10010. Dongoske et al. also question many aspects of the osteological, archaeological, coprolite, and biochemical analyses that were presented in the 5MT10010 study. Our response addresses issues of data collection, procedure, and interpretation, and attempts to clarify some points that were not fully developed in the original text due to length restrictions.

Upper Blanco and Largo Canyons in Rio Arriba and Sandoval Counties, northern New Mexico (Fig. 5), are in an area known to modern Navaho Indians as dinetah, “Navaho country,” “Navaho homeland place,” and is recognized by them as the homeland of their ancestors. A number of Spanish records also refer to it as Navaho country. Anthropologists have, therefore, turned to the region as a source for data on the early Navahos. Surveys and some excavations of sites have been made.

Fearn and Liu (1995) reported positive identification of a large Poaceae pollen grain recovered from a lake bed core in Alabama dating to 3500 B.P. as Zea mays. Reinterpretation of old data and new data reported here indicate this identification is questionable. Review of the evidence at hand indicates the most likely identification of the pollen grain in question is Tripsacum, although it could be primitive maize, teosinte, or Zea “indiana,” a hybrid between Tripsacum and teosinte. Until the sample size is expanded and a firm identification can be made, caution is urged in interpretations about the significance of this find for early maize agriculture in eastern North America.

Parsons (1970) has attempted to prove that the first part of the Codex Xolotl (Dibble 1951, Planchas I-IV) is based on “folk tradition” rather than actual history. He notes that the codice's claim that the northern and eastern sectors of the Valley of Mexico were depopulated in the early thirteenth century A.D. is contradicted by the archaeological evidence. He believes that this fact, in itself, is sufficient to invalidate the entire text of this important pictographic manuscript. This paper summarizes historical evidence which confirms the general validity of the Codice’s references to persons, places, dates, and events; illustrates the kinds of errors and misrepresentations which characterize early Mesoamerican historical sources of this type; and suggests that the contradiction between historical and archaeological evidence, which is a central issue in Parsons’ “folk tradition” hypothesis, is more easily explained in terms of the political and ideological objectives of prehispanic historians, and by the conventions and standards of historical relevance which they employed in the composition of their narratives.

This brief note points out two problems in the comment by Topic et al.: the assumption that alpaca were valued only for their wool, and the questionable application of ethnographic and Inkaic husbandry models in culturally and environmentally different settings. Important to resolving these and other problems is improvement of our ability to differentiate alpaca and llama from preserved and sampled osteological and fiber remains.

Animal processing at some level accompanies all human-induced bison kill sites in North America. But, does the level or location of this processing suggest the location and kind of kill—especially jump versus non-jump bison kill sites? Byerly et al. (2005) suggest the Bone Bed 2 deposits at Bonfire Shelter, Texas did not result from the use of the site as a bison jump during Paleoindian times. To better understand these issues, a brief historical context of the work at Bonfire is presented with a discussion supporting the original interpretation that Bonfire Shelter is a stratified bison jump site.

Radiocarbon ages on mollusk shells, which account for about half of the more than 8,000 dates from cultural deposits on the west coast of North America, need to be corrected for the local marine reservoir effect (ΔR) to yield true ages. Assays on “prebomb” shells show that ΔR increases poleward, echoing the age gradient in offshore waters. The meridional gradient in ΔR is not appreciably affected by the transition either from an upwelling regime to a downwelling regime north of 40°N–45°N or from a winter maximum-high alkalinity river discharge pattern to a summer maximum-low alkalinity pattern at the same latitude, probably because these changes are offset by increasing storminess and tidal energy in coastal areas. Mesoscale variations in ΔR along this gradient are attributable to contrasts in shore morphology and exposure. Data from 123 shell-wood pairs reveal similar patterns of temporal variation in ΔR in the late Holocene in the coastal ecoregions. The characteristic temporal pattern echoes phases of variable El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) activity. The high degree of variability in ΔR argues against the indiscriminate application of regionally uniform or trans-Holocene ΔR values and demands improvements in spatiotemporal resolution if shell is used to date cultural deposits.

Specific attributes were recorded for 119 textiles recovered from burial contexts from Craig Mound at the Spiro site and eight southern Ozark bluff shelters. Textile attributes that varied according to status designations of the burial contexts were identified using the following three avenues of investigation. The textiles were rated using an ordinal index of production complexity, and more complex textiles were found to be associated with burial contexts of presumed higher status. Use of a series of contingency tables identified edge finishes, color, patterning, design motif, fiber, and scale as attributes that are individually associated with status differences. When selected attributes were considered together using a classification and pattern-recognition program, color description, scale, fiber, and number of yarn components were identified as the best predictors of status association.

Surface collecting in 1960 and excavations in 1961 have produced a large sample of chipped obsidian tools from El Inga, a site in Highland Ecuador. From a total surface collection sample of 83 projectile points, 25 complete and 3 nearly complete specimens have been examined intensively. They are described here by precise line drawings and narrative statements about the presence or absence and quantity or quality of morphological and technological attributes within the five attribute systems of material, form, dimension, chipping, and grinding. The three major projectile point styles derived here — “Fell's Cave Stemmed,” “Ayampitin,” and “Paijan” — are interpreted as representing horizon markers in South American preceramic times. The “Fell's Cave Stemmed” style is earliest and shows some technological relationships to the "fluted" points of North America.

Muskeeta Cove 2 is a stratified, two-component Woodland site on the north shore of Long Island in Glen Cove, Nassau County, New York. The earlier occupation, in the upper 6 in. of a glacial sand zone, is attributed, on the evidence of its ceramic content, to the earlier segment of the Windsor tradition, most probably its North Beach focus. The second occupation, in a thin layer of black midden earth and shell overlying the sand, is more difficult to identify culturally. By many criteria, most of its pottery can be assigned to the Bowmans Brook focus of the East River tradition, but this assemblage is most distinctive for the disconcerting way in which it blends Bowmans Brook ceramic traits with those of the contemporary Sebonac (Windsor) and Canandaigua (Owasco) foci—often on the same sherds. This mixture of traits has prompted the suggestion that, in this boundary region at least, the generally accepted invasion-replacement relationship between East River and Windsor must be reexamined. After analysis of the pottery from this site, in which the distributions of individual modes as well as their combinations into whole types are considered, a new hypothesis is tentatively advanced: Early East River pottery is seen as the result of the blending of Sebonac, Canandaigua, and central New Jersey decorative modes on vessels with the constricted necks and elongateglobular bodies that were the dominant formal horizon markers throughout the entire region at this time level. Diffusion, rather than invasion, would appear to be the central process here.

All superimpositions encountered in a sample of 106 panels of proto-Shoshonean petroglyphs in the Coso Range (T22S-R40E). California, were quantitatively analyzed. The relative numbers of superimpositions in three of the nine subject categories (patterned-body anthropomorphs, other humans, and boat-shaped sheep) were higher than expected. Some designs (other humans, boat-shaped sheep, medicine bags) formed the overlying elements significantly more often, and others (patterned-body anthropomorphs, other elements) were seen more frequently as underlying subjects. Boat-shaped sheep and patterned-body humans constituted the most commonly encountered pairs of motifs linked in superimpositions; the high incidence of this particular linkage provides visual support for the postulated occurrence of a late intensification of ritual activities designed to help increase the supply of game animals. The data also contribute some new information about the possible iconographic roles of two controversial design motifs, the “shields” and the “medicine bags.”

The Public Relations Committee of the Society for American Archaeology, in seeking ways to promote the Society and increase public awareness of archaeology, commissioned this "do-it-yourself" guide to the print media, principally newspapers. For demonstrative purposes, the short-paragraph format used conforms stylistically to that used in journalism.

In the final centuries prior to the arrival of the Spanish, the southwest United States and northwest Mexico underwent two major sociodemographic changes: (1) many people coalesced into large villages, and (2) most of the villages were depopulated within two centuries. Basic epidemiological models indicate that village coalescence could have triggered epidemic diseases that caused the observed demographic decline. The models also link this decline to a global phenomenon, the Neolithic Demographic Transition.